THE
YORKSHIRE
ARCHAEOLOGICAL
JOURNAL
PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF
THE COUNCIL
OF THE
UJorftsbtre archaeological Society
VOL. XL
( ISSUED TO MEMBERS ONLY)
PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY BY
The West Yorkshire Printing Co. Limited, Wakefield,
MCMLXU
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2017 with funding from
Yorkshire Archaeological & Historical Society
, ’i i
https://archive.org/details/YAJ0401962
PREFACE
Volume XL covers the published parts of the Journal for
the years 1959 (Part 157), 1960 (Part 158), 1961 (Part 159) and
1962 (Part 160).
This is the second complete volume edited by the present
editor. May I again extend my thanks to the Council, to members
of the Society and to the various contributors for their tolerance,
encouragement and help.
The index to this volume has been compiled by Miss Audrey
Naim of the Brotherton Library, University of Leeds.
LESLIE P. WENHAM, Hon. Editor .
CONTENTS.
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . v
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . 666
page
The Defences of Isurium Brigantum (Aldbor-
ough) .. . . . . • . . . 1
J. N. L. MYRES, K. A. STEER AND MRS. A. M. H. CHITTY
Yorkshire Final Concords of the Reign of Henry II 78
SIR CHARLES T. CLAY
Romano-British Discoveries at Crayke, N.R. Yorks.
(i) Sites at Woodhouse Farm, Crayke . . 90
R. H. HAYES
(ii) The Trial Excavation . . . . . . 99
E. J. W. HILDYARD
Penistone Grammar School in the Nineteenth
Century .. .. .. .. .. 112
JOHN ADDY
The Agriculture of the East Riding of Yorkshire
BEFORE THE PARLIAMENTARY ENCLOSURES .. 119
ALAN HARRIS
The Excavation of Beaker Burials at Staxton,
East Riding, 1957 . . . . . . . . 129
I. M. STEAD
The East Window of St. Michael-le-Belfrey Church,
York . . . . . . . . . . 145
JOHN A. KNOWLES
The Discovery of Reindeer Bones in Stump Cross
Caverns, Greenhow Hill . . . . . . 160
MAJOR E. R. COLLINS
Thornborough Cursus, Yorks. . . . . . . 169
FAITH DE MALLET VATCHER
An Iron Age Site at Driffield, East Riding, Yorks. 183
JUDITH T. PHILIPS
Dives House Barn at Dalton, near Huddersfield 192
FRANK ATKINSON
page
Notes on the Early Generations of the Family of
Constable of Halsham . . .. .. 197
SIR CHARLES T. CLAY
Sir George Savile, Edmund Burke, and the York-
shire Reform Programme, February, 1780 . . 205
IAN R. CHRISTIE
Mesolithic Flint Axes from the West Riding of
Yorkshire .. .. .. .. .. 209
J. DAVIES AND W. F. RANKINE
A Ring-marked Rock. The Grey Stone, Harewood
Park .. : ... .. .. 215
e. t. cowling and c. e. hartley
Portrait of a Yorkshire Squire: John Fullerton of
Thrybergh (1778-1847) .. . . .. 217
j. T. WARD
Defence Measures for the West Riding, 1586 . . 227
MICHAEL CHADWICK
The Pre-Conquest Churches of York : with an
Appendix on Eighth-Century Northumbrian
Annals . . . . . . . , . . . 232
KENNETH HARRISON
A Study in the Manorial History of Halifax Parish
in the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth
Centuries. Part i .. . . .. .. 250
Addendum to above . . . . 441
Part II . . . . . . . . 420
MARTHA J. ELLIS
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY . . . . 265
A. S. HARVEY
Seven Archaeological Discoveries in Yorkshire .. 298
PETER WENHAM
Excavations and Discoveries adjoining the South-
West Wall of the Roman Legionary Fortress
in Feasegate, York, 1955-1957 . . . . 329
Addendum . . . . . . . . . . 587 n
PETER WENHAM
The Hero as Genealogist : General Plantagenet-
Harrison . . . . . . . . . . 351
A. L. MORTON
Vlll
page
Richmondshire Presentments in the Reign of Queen
Anne .. .. .. .. .. 371
MICHAEL CHADWICK
A Note on Clay Pipes from Hungate, York . . ; 378
THE LATE BRYAN H. ST. J. O’NEIL
Enclosure by Agreement at Healaugh (W.R.) . . 382
K. J. ALLISON
Clifton Grammar School, near Brighouse, West
Riding .. .. .. .. .. 392
e. p. green
West Riding Commissioners of Enclosure, 1729-1850 401
W. S. RODGERS
The Palmes Family of Naburn and their Contribution
to the Survival of Roman Catholicism . . 443
Addendum to above . . . . . . ... 665
t. b. trappes-lomax
An Inquiry into the Date of the Stained Glass in
the Chapter House at York . . . . 451
JOHN A. KNOWLES
Notes on Two Heraldic Tombs . . . . . . 462
A. S. HARVEY
The Monastic Settlement of North-East Yorkshire 478
BRYAN WAITES
. t . . , . . . „ • , J. 1
The Advowson of St. Martin’s Church in Micklegate,
York . . . . . . . . . . 496
T. W. FRENCH
Excavations and Discoveries within the Legionary
Fortress in Davygate, York, 1955-8 . . 507
peter wenham
Country against Court. Christopher Wyvill, a
Yorkshire Champion . . . . . . 588
N. C. PHILLIPS
Whitby 1958 . . . . . . . . . . 604
PHILIP a. rahtz
A Rinyo-Clacton Vase from Wykeham, North Riding,
Yorks. . . . . . . . . . . 619
J. W. MOORE AND T. G. MANBY
A New Engraved Rock from Wharfedale, West
Riding of Yorkshire . . . . 622
J. DAVIES
IX
page
The Monastic Grange as a Factor in the Settlement
of North-East Yorkshire . . . . . . 627
BRYAN WAITES
Early Churchwardens’ Presentments in the Arch-
deaconry of Richmond . . . . . . 657
MICHAEL CHADWICK
Crayke: a Seventeenth Century Peculiar . . 662
P. L. HEYWORTH
Acknowledgements . . . . 163, 328, 505, 665
Corrigenda et Addenda .. 167, 441, 587 n, 665
Reviews . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
r . ■'
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THE
l^orhsbtre
Hrcbaeologtcal Journal.
PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF
THE COUNCIL
OF THE
H)orftsbtre Archaeological Society.
Part 157.
(BEING THE FIRST PART OF VOLUME XL.)
[ISSUED TO MEMBERS ONLY].
PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY BY
The West Yorkshire Printing Co. Limited, Wakefield.
MCMLIX
CONTENTS OF PART 157.
{being the First part of Volume XL).
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH)
J. N. L. Myres, K. A. Steer and Mrs. A. M. H. Chitty
YORKSHIRE FINAL CONCORDS OF THE REIGN OF HENRY II.
Sir Charles Travis Clay, C.B., F.B.A.
ROMANO-BRITISH DISCOVERIES AT CRAYKE, N.R. YORKS.
(i) Sites at Woodhouse Farm, Crayke
R. H. Hayes
(ii) The Trial Excavation
E. J. W. Hildyard, M.A., F.S.A.
PENISTONE GRAMMAR SCHOOL IN THE NINETEENTH
CENTURY
John Addy
THE AGRICULTURE OF THE EAST RIDING OF YORKSHIRE
BEFORE THE PARLIAMENTARY ENCLOSURES.
Alan Harris, M.A.
THE EXCAVATION OF BEAKER BURIALS AT STAXTON,
EAST RIDING, 1957.
I. M. Stead, B.A.
THE EAST WINDOW OF ST. MICHAEL-LE-BELFREY CHURCH.
YORK.
John A. Knowles, M.A., F.S.A.
THE DISCOVERY OF REINDEER BONES IN STUMP CROSS
CAVERNS, GREENHOW HILL.
Major E. R. Collins, D.S.O.
REVIEWS :
History of Richmond School
Beverley Corporation Minute Books.
Ed. K. A. Macmahon
CORRIGENDA ET ADDENDA
Illustrations.
The Defences of ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (Aldborough).
Figs.: I, p. 2; 2, p. 4; 3, p. 13; 4, p. 14; 5, p. 16; 6, facing p. 18; 7, p. 20;
8, p. 22; 9, p. 24; 10, p. 26; 11, p. 28; 12, p. 29; 13, facing p. 30;
14, p. 32; 15, p. 40; 16, p. 42; 17, p. 44; 18, p. 48; 19, p. 51; 20,
facing p. 52; 21, p. 54; 22, p. 57; 23, p. 59; 24, p. 65; 25, p. 69; 26,
p. 74; 27, p. 76.
Plates : Ia and Ib, facing p. 41; IIa and IIb, facing p. 43; IIIa and
IIIb, facing p. 47; IVa and IVb, facing p. 55.
Romano-British Discoveries at Crayke, N.R. Yorks.
(i) Sites at Woodhouse Farm, Crayke.
Figs.: 1, p. 91; 2, p. 93; 3, p. 94; 4, p. 96.
(ii) The Trial Excavation.
Figs.: 5, p. 100; 6, p. 102; 7, p. 106; 8, p. 107.
The Agriculture of the East Riding of Yorkshire before the
Parliamentary Enclosures.
Fig.: 1, p. 120.
The Excavation of Beaker Burials at Staxton, East Riding, 1957.
Figs.: 1, p. 130; 2, facing p. 131 ; 3, p. 132; 4, p. 134; 5, p. 135; 6, p. 137 ;
7, p. 139; 8, p. 141.
Plates: I, facing p. 132; IIa and IIb, facing p. 134.
The East Window of St. Michael-le-Belfrey Church, York.
Figs.: 1, p. 147; 2, p. 149; 3, p. 150; 4, p. 151; 5, p. 152; 6, p. 158.
Plates : I, facing p. 146; II, facing p. 156.
The Discovery of Reindeer Bones in Stump Cross Caverns, Greenhow
Hill.
Fig.: 1, p. 161.
Plates: I, facing p. 160; II, facing p. 162.
PAGE
1
78
90
99
112
119
129
145
160
163
164
167
THE
Yorkshire Archeological Journal
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM
(ALDBO ROUGH)
By J. N. L. Myres, K. A. Steer and Mrs. A. M. H. Chitty.
PREFACE.
The following report is a record of investigations carried out
at Isurium Brigantum (Aldborough) during the summers of 1934-5
and 1937-8 under the auspices of the Roman Antiquities Com-
mittee of the Yorkshire Archaeological Society. The excavations
of 1934-5 were directed by Mr. Myres and Mrs. Chitty, and those
of 1937-8 by Dr. Steer and Mrs. Chitty. The authors and the
Committee are deeply indebted to Lady Lawson-Tancred and the
late Sir Thomas Lawson-Tancred not only for permission and
active encouragement to undertake the work, but also for their
generosity in providing accommodation for the excavators, space
for the cleaning, examination and storage of the relics, and the
necessary equipment from the Estate Office. We also wish to
thank Captain B. T. Hutton Croft for permission to excavate on
the northern defences in 1938; Messrs. Clayton, Daniels and
Penrose (tenants); and the numerous voluntary helpers, among
whom should be mentioned especially Mr. R. Gilyard-Beer and
the late Mr. W. V. Wade, both of whom assisted in the preparation
of this report as well as giving their services in the field. For
advice on the finds we are particularly indebted to the late Dr.
Felix Oswald, who examined and commented upon the whole of
the Samian pottery; to Dr. D. B. Harden who has reported on
the glass; and to Mr. J. P. Gillam who has given us his opinion
on the dates of certain critical sherds of coarse pottery found
during the last two seasons.
2
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Fig 1.
Town defences superimposed on 25-inch map.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 3
PREVIOUS EXPLORATION.1
Isurium Brigantum,2 the cantonal capital of the Brigantes,
and the most important purely civilian site in Roman Yorkshire,
lies on the south side of the valley of the Ure, covering the crossing
of that river by the main Roman road from York to Catterick
and the north. The diversion of the road a mile or so to the west
in mediaeval times led to the replacement of Isurium by Borough-
bridge as the point of crossing, and the present name Aldborough
no doubt arose to contrast the old borough with the new one at
the bridge. For this reason, though it has always been a sub-
stantial village, Aldborough has not suffered from recent expansion,
and is still comfortably contained within the circuit of the Roman
walls (fig. 1). The main outlines of the Roman town have long
been familiar, the only major problem being the position of the
north-west angle. In 1924 Mr. S. C. Barber located the north-east
angle and the north gate, and showed that the wall ran straight
between these points approximately on the Ordnance Survey line.
But its course west of the gate remained uncertain. Local tradi-
tion placed the north-west angle in the neighbourhood of a large
tree in the northern part of O.S. 57, and the course of the west
wall from the known position of the west gate, in the road
opposite the Manor House, to this tree is clear enough from an
embankment running down the field. But the tree lies con-
siderably to the south of any prolongation of the line of the wall
between the north-east corner and the north gate. Hence the
Ordnance Survey, in accepting the tree as the site of the angle,
was forced to take the wall along a lynchet, produced in fact by
an obsolete field-boundary, which pursues a somewhat tortuous
course across O.S. 57, 56, and 55, culminating in a sharp re-entrant
angle of the most improbable kind immediately south-west of the
north gate (fig. 1). From the Ordnance Survey, this hypothetical
line, which mars the general symmetry of the town's plan, has
found its way into several standard works.3
1 This section is only concerned with discoveries which throw light on
the plan of the town, or on the nature of its defences. Details of these and
of other discoveries up to the middle of the nineteenth century are to be
found in Ecroyd Smith’s Reliquiae Isurianae (hereinafter referred to as ES),
which also contains lithographic illustrations of the majority of the pave-
ments. The best of several more recent summaries is that by Collingwood
in the British Association Excursions Handbook Q (Leeds, 1927), which
incorporates unpublished material in the Haverfield Library, Oxford.
Lady Lawson -Tancred’s Guide Book to the Antiquities of Aldborough and
Boroughbridge (3rd edition, 1948) also contains much useful information.
2 The name occurs simply as Isurium in Ptolemy’s Geography (ii, 3, 10),
and on Routes I and II in the Antonine Itinerary; on Route V of the
Itinerary it appears as Isu(rium)brigantum. Ekwall considered that the
name might have been derived from a Celtic river name I sura ( English
River Names, s.v. Ure), but this is far from certain (cf. Jackson, Language
and History in Early Britain, 523).
3 E.g. Collingwood, Archaeology of Roman Britain, fig. 24, ix; Elgee,
The Archaeology of Yorkshire, fig. 28.
4
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
i I
I l
1935
II
II
i|
II
M
II
II
II
II
II
H
ll
II
II
II
SITE OF
W. GATE
I
1 1924
SITE OF
E.GATE
FJE
vJSJ
SITE OF
S. GATE
- TESSELLATED
PAVEMENT
I
I
i
i
1937
K. A.5T £ ER.
ALDBOROUGH
SHOWING SITES EXCAVATED 1924 - 1938
IOO O 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800 900 IOOO
SCALE OF FEET
Fig. 2
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 5
Apart from the 1924 excavations, discussed below, previous
investigation of the defences, notably by Andrew Lawson in the
first half of the nineteenth century, was almost entirely confined
to the south-west quarter of the town, where several stretches of
the wall and the remains of three internal towers and an external
bastion were exposed in the grounds of Aldborough Manor.
Although they are no longer visible, four gates are known, one in
each side, the south and west gates being still used by modern
roads, while the north gate, which must have gone out of use
when the Roman bridge over the Ure gave place to the mediaeval
crossing at Boroughbridge, lies 120 yards from the north-east
angle. The exact position of the east gate, from which two pivot-
stones were found in the grounds of Aldborough Hall in 1772,1
is uncertain, but it is reasonable to suppose that it lay opposite
the west gate. Within the town, the foundations of a range of
rooms at least 220 feet in length, which can hardly have been
anything else but the shops or offices forming the north side of
the forum (market-hall), were uncovered in 1770 during the
rebuilding of the north wall of the churchyard.2 In addition, a
few substantial private houses have been partially explored from
time to time, and a number of mosaic pavements found.3 But
this exploration has never been systematic, the discoveries have
often been accidental, and in no case has a building been closely
dated. The Roman street-plan appears to have followed the usual
chess-board pattern, since, apart from one house close to the
west wall, all the buildings so far revealed are in alignment with
the defences, but there is little evidence of this pattern in the
present arrangement of the village streets. In addition to the
main streets running from the south and west gates towards the
centre of the village, two subsidiary roads in the south-east
quarter may be of Roman origin, and the rectangular lay-out of
the existing houses and gardens in the southern half of the town
may represent the persistence of old property boundaries as well
as natural convenience on the steep hillside. Outside the town
wall, a bowl-shaped depression lying between the south-east angle
and Studforth Hill has been interpreted, on somewhat dubious
grounds, as an amphitheatre,4 while Roman cemeteries have
1 ES., 27, and pi. xxii, 7-8.
2 Gough’s Camden’s Britannia (1806), iii. 300, and pi. xvi, fig. 1. On
Ecroyd Smith’s plan (pi. iii), these remains are shown out of alignment
with the town wall, but this is due to an error in the orientation of the
church on the same plan. When the necessary correction is made, the
rooms are seen to fall into place on the south side of the Roman street
linking the east and west gates (fig. 2).
3 Ecroyd Smith curiously makes no mention of the perfect pavement,
representing Romulus and Remus being suckled by the wolf, which is
reported to have been found in 1840 near the east gate of the town, and
which is now in the City Museum, Leeds. A photograph of this pavement
is given in Elgee, op. cit., pi. vii.
4 Collingwood, op. cit., fig. 26e. A partial section of the northern bank
of this depression cut in 1935 showed that this feature was apparently
natural.
6 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
been found on the east side of the road leading to the south gate,
and also near the north-west and south-west angles.1
In 1924 Mr. S. C. Barber did a little digging on the northern
defences of the town, and on the road that ran from the north
gate to the River Ure. Apart from a brief resume in the Journal
of Roman Studies ,2 no account of this work has been published,
and neither the typewritten report nor the illustrations are in a
form suitable for publication.3 In view of subsequent operations
in the area, however, it has been thought advisable to give the
following summary of the results, and to incorporate the structures
concerned in the plans illustrating the present report.
The North Road and the North Gate (figs. 1 and 21).
The Roman road running northwards from Isurium to the
crossing of the Ure was located 300 yards north of the town and
was traced southwards as far as the north gate. It averaged 30
feet in width, and consisted of rammed cobbles and gravel 2-3
feet in thickness. About 130 yards from the town wall, the road
changed direction from south to south-south-west, and may have
thrown out a branch aiming for the north-east corner of the town.
It is true that the only evidence for the existence of this supposed
branch is that, in a section cut immediately to the south of the
bend, the main road appeared to abut another cambered and
cobbled surface. On the other hand, the provision of a by-pass
road, skirting the north-east defences and rejoining the Roman
Great North Road some 200 yards from the east gate, is inherently
likely since it would allow through traffic to avoid the town.
From the change of direction to the gate, the road was thought
to have something resembling a raised footpath along its eastern
margin, but this feature was not definitely proved. At the point
where the western edge of the road intersected the line of the
town wall, two large dressed blocks of millstone grit, presumably
belonging to the west pier of the gate, were found bedded on clay
and cobble footings. Here, two superimposed road surfaces were
detected, the lowest of which was level with the tops of the blocks,
while the other was 9 inches higher and overlapped the blocks by
about 1 foot. Except for a rough wall, bedded in the latest road
surface and apparently blocking the east portal, no other details
of the gateway were recovered.
The North-East Angle (fig. 19, Site A).
A section cut across the north-east angle located the town
wall at a depth of 5 feet. It was 8 feet 3 inches thick above an
external offset course, and was faced on both sides with red
sandstone ashlar. Only three courses of the inner face and two
1 ES., 21-7.
2 xiv. 221.
3 A copy of the report and photographs of the plans, sections, and
structures examined have been deposited in the library of the Yorkshire
Archaeological Society.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 7
courses of the outer face remained in situ. The foundation-trench,
which was 6 feet 6 inches deep and filled with clay and cobbles,
had been cut through alluvial sand to reach boulder clay. The
outer face of the wall was uncovered for a length of 34 feet, and
a rampart-bank was observed and partly sectioned. In front of
the wall, the eastern edge of the clay and cobble footings of a
bastion was traced northwards for 24 feet: all that remained of
the superstructure was a single millstone-grit block set 1 foot
back from the edge of the footings at the northern end of the
trench. The fact that the bastion was not bonded into the town
wall suggested that it was an addition to the original defences.
Owing to the short length uncovered, it is not possible to gauge
its size with any accuracy, but it is reasonable to assume that it
approximated to that of the north-west angle-bastion found in
1935.
The North Wall (fig. 19, Site B).
The inner face of the town wall was discovered 120 feet
west of the north-eastern angle where it was standing to within
1 foot of the present surface. The masonry, again consisting of
red sandstone ashlar, was only exposed to a depth of six courses.
There was an offset of 4 inches between the sixth (lowest) and
fifth courses, and another of 2J inches between the third and
second courses.
Excavations within the Town.
(a) On Site C (fig. 19) the north-east corner of a building
was found 18 inches below the surface. The north wall was traced
for 34 feet, the east wall for 15 feet, and a party- wall, parallel to
the east wall, for 7 feet 6 inches. The north and east walls were
up to 4 feet 2 inches high and were laid on clay and cobbles,
while the party- wall, 3 feet 6 inches high, was bedded on concrete.
Traces of two floors were observed in the north-east corner.
(b) On Site D (fig. 19) a wall, 13 inches below the surface,
was uncovered for a distance of 23 feet 6 inches. It was 2 feet
6 inches thick and stood to a maximum height of 3 feet in eight
courses. Underneath what was thought to be a cross- wall at the
east end of the trench there were three infant skeletons. It is
particularly unfortunate that no details are recorded of the
“immense quantities" of pottery found on this site, but from a
comparison of the depths of their foundations with those of the
town wall in the same area it is clear that both buildings C and
D are appreciably later in date than the stone defences.
(c) Superficial trenching on the west side of the hedge that
divides O.S. 46 and 55, 160 feet south of the north gate, revealed
patches of cobbling, hypocaust- and roofing-tiles, eight fragments
of dressed stones, and the upper part of a milestone with four
lines of text,1 at a depth of 18 inches to 2 feet below the turf.
1 IMP(erator) / CAES(ar) / G(aius) ME/[S]SIV[S] Cf. Journal of Roman
Studies, xiv, 246.
8 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
The epigraphic record of Isurium is meagre in the extreme,
the only inscriptions of historical significance being a tile-stamp
of the Ninth Legion,1 and the milestone of Decius referred to
above; though a certain intrinsic interest attaches to a Greek
inscription on a mosaic pavement2 in view of the comparative
rarity of Greek inscriptions in this country. Early in the nine-
teenth century, however, Mr. Andrew Lawson began a systematic
collection of small finds from the town, and this collection, which
is housed in a Museum near the south gate, has been maintained
and enlarged by successive owners of Aldborough Manor.3 The
historical implications of the coins and pottery in this collection
are discussed in the next section of this report, while the fine
series of enamelled and bronze objects from the site, some of
which are illustrated by Ecroyd Smith,4 merit separate publication.
The aims of the excavations of 1934-8 were to establish the
position of the north-west angle, and to determine the structure
and date of the defences. The first of these objectives was realised
in 1934-5, and subsequent operations were largely devoted to
control sections at other points on the perimeter of the town in
order to test whether the defences were homogeneous, and to
amplify the dating material recovered in the first two seasons.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY.
Although the excavations of 1934-8 were primarily concerned
with the structure and date of the defences, they inevitably
brought to light a certain amount of incidental information
bearing directly or indirectly upon the earlier and later history
of the town. In the following synopsis these scattered threads
are brought together, in conjunction with others derived from
previous discoveries, and are presented in chronological order.
Earliest Occupation.
No trace was found of any pre-Roman occupation of the
site. The lowest occupation-layers in every trench were of Roman
date, and the few pieces of hand-made native pottery produced
by the excavations were all found in association with Roman
sherds. This negative evidence wins support from the complete
absence of Early Iron Age relics in the Museum,5 and confirms,
what has long been suspected, that Isurium did not evolve out
of a native Brigantian stronghold, but was a purely Roman
foundation.6 A study of the pottery and coins in the Museum
indicates that occupation began in the reign of Vespasian, while
1 Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vii, 1224d.
2 Ephemeris Epigraphica, vii, 937.
3 This Museum has now been placed in the care of the Ministry of Works.
4 ES., pis. xx, xxv and xxva. The remarkable bronze terret from
Aldborough, now in the Yorkshire Museum, York, is described and illustrated
by Richmond in the Journal of Roman Studies, xliv, 49 and pi. ii.
5 The Dobunian coin (p. 63) is presumably a stray.
6 The most likely candidate for Queen Cartimandua’s capital is the
hill-fort of Almondbury, near Huddersfield ( cf . Arch. Journ., cv. 46-8 and 60).
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 9
a tile bearing the stamp of the Ninth Legion1 implies building
activity at some time between the arrival of this Legion at York
in 71-4 A.D.,2 and its replacement by the Sixth Legion in 122
A.D. In view of the strategic importance of the site, at the point
where the Roman road to the north approaches the crossing of
the Ure and is joined by a lateral road from Ilkley,3 it is reasonable
to suppose that an auxiliary fort would be established here by
Cerialis in 71-4 A.D. during his conquest of Brigantia. No signs
of such a fort have so far been discovered, but sleeper-trenches
belonging to two Flavian buildings were encountered in the
course of the excavations — one outside the north-west corner of
the town in 1935, and the other near the north gate in 1938. The
latter building, whose walls had been of wattle-and-daub, coated
internally with painted plaster, yielded pottery manufactured
about 70 A.D., and may have been one of the houses of the
canabae attached to the fort. First-century pottery was also found
near the centre of the village during the laying of a pipe-line in
the winter of 1934-5, while continuous building activity from
Flavian times onwards is attested by the sandpit located in 1935.
But at what stage this growing township was raised to the status
of a cantonal capital is as yet unknown. No trace has been found
of an earlier enclosing earthwork like those at Verulamium,4
Silchester,5 or Brough-on-Humber,6 and the town only emerges
from obscurity in the full panoply of its stone defences.
The Stone Defences.
The walls enclosed a roughly rectangular area of 55 acres
shaped more or less like an elongated playing-card, a plan normal
in military but comparatively rare on civilian sites: the closest
parallel among Romano-British towns is Venta Silurum (Caerwent)
in South Wales — a place which represented the most westerly
extension of tribal government into the highland zone of Britain,
just as Isurium was its furthest outpost to the north. The longer
axis of the town lay north and south down the valley side, the
southern part being built on a moderately steep slope where the
rock lies close to the surface, while the northern part was flat
and rested on alluvial sand. Although nothing is known of their
structure, the four gates were also sited according to military
principles, the north and south gates being placed centrally in
their respective sides, while the east and west gates were slightly
advanced towards the north side, thus leaving room for important
public buildings along the minor axis. The town wall was erected
on a footing of clay and cobbles and varied from 8 feet to 9 feet
1 Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vii, 1224d.
2 Journal of Roman Studies, xv, 183-5.
3 For the road from York to Aldborough in relation to the river-system,
cf. E. Kitson Clark, Arch. Journ., lxxviii, 391-6.
4 R. E. M. and T. V. Wheeler, Verulamium, 49.
5 Archaeologia, 92, 129.
6 Journ. British Arch. Assoc., 3rd ser. vii, 11.
10 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
3 inches in thickness at the base: above this it was reduced in
thickness by internal offsets, spaced at irregular intervals, and its
original height, including parapet and battlements, must have
been at least 20 feet. The facing-stones were of local red sand-
stone, almost certainly obtained from the large quarries that can
still be seen outside the south-west angle, and the core was com-
posed of sandstone rubble set in hard white mortar. As far as is
known, no reused material was employed. At the back of the
wall there was a rampart-bank of sand or clay, measuring 21 feet
in width by about 12 feet in height at the wall face; while in front
of the wall there was a berm 10-14 feet wide, and then a ditch
some 17 feet wide and 5-6 feet deep. The remains of four rect-
angular internal towers have been found attached to the curtain
wall, one at each of the southern angles, and two others evenly
spaced between the south-west angle and the south gate. The
south-east angle-tower, examined in 1937, measured 17 feet 6 inches
by 16 feet 6 inches internally and was packed with sand to a height
of at least 8 feet. Of the remainder, all of which were excavated
but imperfectly recorded in the early nineteenth century, only the
easternmost can now be planned (fig. 17). It measures 12 feet
by 10 feet within walls 5 feet thick, and was also presumably
solid to the level of the rampart-walk since its back wall, now
standing to a maximum height of 2 feet 2 inches, shows no sign
of an entrance, while the side walls would be concealed by the
rampart-bank.
The evidence for the date of the defences may be sum-
marised as follows :
1. The surface of the road contemporary with the defences
at the north gate produced a coin of Hadrian, dated
134-8 A.D., which was in fresh condition when lost, and
two pieces of Antonine Samian ware, the later of which
is dated by Dr. Oswald circa 140-50 A.D. This road was
completely sealed by another road on which there was a
denarius of Severus Alexander (222-35 A.D.) in mint
condition.
2. The latest sherds sealed by, or incorporated in, the
rampart-bank are of Antonine date, but include nothing
that need be later than 150 A.D. Rubbish dumped on
top of the bank in the northern part of the town con-
tained pottery ranging in date from the Antonine period
to the fourth century.
3. A cooking-pot broken in the south-east angle-tower
during the erection of the defences is dated 150-200 A.D.
4. A hut built against the back wall of the south-east angle-
tower probably dates to the late Antonine period (162-96
A.D.), but might be third century.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 11
It is thus established that the defences of Isurium were
built at some time in the second half of the second century,1 but
any more precise estimate of their age would be purely speculative
in the present state of knowledge. For although on a narrow
reading the evidence inclines to a date not far removed from
150 A.D., and there is the added temptation to suppose that
increased taxes, levied to meet the cost of the new town walls,
may have furnished the spark that touched off the Brigantian
revolt of 154-5 A.D., experience at V erulamium has shown that,
even where extensive trenching has been undertaken, the latest
coin or potsherd recovered from beneath the defences or found in
the rampart-bank, may antedate the fortifications by as much as
half a century.2 On the other hand, Dr. Corder’s theory that
the majority of the Roman town walls in Britain belong to the
years 194-7 A.D.3 wins no support from Isurium. For if we are
right in thinking that the first reconstruction observed at the
north gate in 1938 was a direct result of the incursion of the
Maeatae in 197 A.D., the erection of the defences must be put
back for an appreciable number of years before that date — long
enough, in fact, for the road contemporary with the defences to
have been repaired at least once, and for considerable wear to
have taken place on the base of the water-tank.
That the defences were designed to conform to an existing
street-plan was proved at the north gateway in 1938, but it is
not known whether any of the internal buildings were recon-
structed at this time. As the plan shows (fig. 2), these buildings
are concentrated in the higher, southern half of the town, and it
may well be that the northern extension was planned to allow for
an expansion of population. At some time in the first half of
the second century an attempt was made to raise the level of
much of this northern area by dumping large quantities of dirty
sand over it; subsequently further dumping was undertaken,
probably because the construction of the town wall blocked the
natural drainage of the slope and turned the region into a swamp.
Later History.
Hardly anything is known of the town in the third century.
As has already been remarked, structural alterations observed at
the north gate may represent repairs following the barbarian
invasion of 197 A.D., while at least one house appears to have
1 At one time a Severan date was considered probable ( Journal of
Roman Studies, xxix, 204) since the cooking-pot found in the angle-tower
was thought to be an early third-century type, while the coin recovered
from the footings of the town-wall in 1938, though not identifiable with
certainty, is more readily assigned to Julia Domna, wife of Septimius
Severus, than to anyone else (cf. p. 59, no. 4). Now that the date of the
cooking-pot has been revised, however, the coin cannot be allowed to
override the rest of the evidence — and particularly that from the north
gateway.
2 Journal of Roman Studies, xlvi, 135.
3 Arch. Journ., cxii, 24.
12
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
been rebuilt between the end of the second century and the last
quarter of the third century.1 Two milestones, one of which was
found near the north gate in 1924 (supra, p. 7) and the other
3 miles south of Aldborough in 1776, 2 testify to a general overhaul
of the road-system in the reign of Decius (249-51 A.D.), while the
coin-list (pp. 57-63) indicates considerable activity in the town at
the close of the third century under the usurper Carausius.
In common with those of many other Romano-British
towns, the defences of Isurium were drastically reorganised in the
fourth century. The town wall was now equipped with very large
angle-bastions and somewhat smaller interval-bastions, semi-
circular or semi-oval on plan and of solid construction. The
original ditch was replaced by a new one, sited in advance of the
bastions, and the east portal of the north gate was blocked up.
Sherds found in the town ditch under the interval-bastion in
1935 suggest that, as at Caerwent and Great Casterton, this
reorganisation should be dated to about 350 A.D.3 Within the
town, too, there is evidence of widespread rebuilding in the first
half of the fourth century. Many of the mosaic pavements which
adorned the large and wealthy houses in the southern part of
the town date stylistically to this period, while dwellings have
now begun to spring up in the less attractive northern portion.
This peaceful and prosperous state of affairs appears to have
suffered a temporary eclipse during the combined assault of the
Piets, Scots and Saxons in 367 A.D., for evidence of Theodosian
repair-work has been noted at the north gate and also possibly
at the south-east angle. The town made a vigorous recovery,
however, and both coins and pottery testify to a continued
occupation down to the end of the fourth century. Indeed the
most striking feature of the coin list is that no less than one-fifth
of the total number of coins in the Museum collection are later
than the Piets’ War.
THE EXCAVATIONS OF 1934.
By J. N. L. Myres and Mrs. A. M. H. Chitty.
In the first season, since only a limited time was available,
and the work had mostly to be done by inexperienced voluntary
labour, attention was concentrated on determining the course of
the wall, north and east of the tree in O.S. 57 mentioned above.
Two sections were cut (fig. 3), one (Section II) 65 feet long across
the Ordnance Survey line east of the tree, and the other (Section I)
40 feet long, north-west of it on the hypothesis that the angle
might be blunted in the same way as the north-east angle appears
to be. In neither of these sections as originally planned and dug
1 ES., 16.
2 Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vii, 1180.
3 Arch. Journ., cxii, 20-42.
PART O S. 44
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (aLDBOROUGH) 13
Fig. 3.
14
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
was there any sign of the expected town wall, nor was the strati-
fication revealed in either sufficiently informative to merit detailed
publication. The natural yellow sand was reached in both cases
at depths varying from 7 to 11 feet, and the greater part of the
material cut through consisted of extremely loose dirty sand, with
very puzzling patches and streaks of burnt material, producing
throughout a good deal of pottery, broken brick, tile, wall-plaster,
tesserae, animal bones and other builders' and domestic rubbish.
The date of this deposit, which appears to have been the result of
a deliberate attempt to level up the area through which the
sections ran, could not be securely established, but it is not likely
to be earlier than the late second or third century. A considerable
quantity of second-century Samian, including a dish of form
18/31 stamped PATRICI-M (fig. 4, 3), was found near the
Section II (1934). Scale =
1 and 3 Terra Sigillata. 2. Imitation terra sigillata.
bottom in the northern part of Section II, but this area was
much disturbed by the roots of the tree which had penetrated
long distances through the very loose material. The stratification
was elsewhere vitiated by trenches and pits dug in the sandy
soil, and the sides of some of these having collapsed, later objects
properly belonging to the pits may have been introduced into
the deposit itself. The clearest evidence for the sequence of
periods here came from the southern end of Section II. Here at
7 feet 2 inches from the present surface the clay and cobble
footings of a wall 2 feet 3 inches wide and built on the natural
sand were found running roughly N.N.E. (see fig. 5). It was
no part of our plan to explore buildings inside the town nor
would it have been possible to do so at this depth with the avail-
able labour, and nothing was found in the small section un-
covered by which the building of this wall could be dated. It had,
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 15
however, clearly been deliberately dismantled for the footings were
covered by a layer of burnt clay, containing Antonine Samian
(parts of a form 33 and of two 38s), and this itself underlay the
deposit of dirty sand and stones mentioned above. Subsequent
to the laying down of this deposit, however, a ditch some 10 feet
wide and five feet deep had been driven through the deposit and
the underlying wall footings roughly at right angles to them.
This ditch was filled with black earth and charcoal and contained
a good deal of fourth century and earlier pottery including Samian
38 M-ARTM, a complete imitation 38 in brown ware (fig. 4, 1 and 2),
grey flanged bowls, the rim of a buff hammer-headed mortarium,
and part of a buff bowl with zig-zag lines in red paint on the
flanged rim. While therefore Section II threw no light on the
main object of our search it did produce evidence to show that
considerable changes had taken place in the layout of this part of
the town during Roman times: that a building which had stood here
early in the second century had been demolished in or soon after
the Antonine period, that the whole area had been levelled up
with several feet of sand and debris and that in the fourth century,
while no evidence for further buildings was forthcoming, a sub-
stantial ditch had been dug and had filled up slowly with silt and
the refuse of occupation. It may be added that nothing was
found in this section to suggest occupation before the Trajan-
Hadrian period: first century Samian and coarse pottery was
almost entirely absent.
The south-end of Section I was contiguous with the north
end of Section II and the similarity of its stratification showed
that the area levelled up in the late second-third century extended
further to the north-west. Towards the middle of the section,
however, the deposit thinned out to nothing against the rising
surface of a sandy bank which developed a capping of dark
occupation earth and charcoal. The very rough unmortared
cobble footings of two walls about 2 feet thick and some 13 feet
apart crossed the section (see fig. 3). They were set upon the
sandy bank and were clearly associated with its capping of
occupation earth, which contained pottery running from the
Antonine period to the fourth century, and they evidently be-
longed to some hut-like structure whose shape could not be
investigated. At the north end of the section the sandy bank,
whose depth there was no time to determine, merged imper-
ceptibly into a bank of stiff clay, and in the last few days at our
disposal the Section was hastily lengthened some ten feet north-
westwards, since it was rightly guessed that this sand and clay
bank was probably a rampart backing of the town wall, which
was the object of our search. The wall itself, or rather the robber
trench above it, was found on the last day but one, and the last
day was feverishly spent in determining the depth of the clay
bank behind the wall and its relation to the wall, and in clearing
the front of the wall to the berm-level, above which eight courses
16
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Fig. 5. Section at south end of Section II (1934).
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (aLDBOROUGH) 17
of facing stones 4 feet 3 inches in total height were still standing.
Since the features of the wall and bank here were closely similar
to those which showed themselves in the adjoining Section III of
1935 which will be discussed shortly there is no necessity to
describe them at this point. It need only be noticed that in
digging through the clay bank behind the wall two grey jar rims
of early second century type were found and that a piece of
Samian form 27 was found immediately under the clay bank at
a depth of ten feet against the back of the wall. We were therefore
certain before the work finished for 1934 that the wall and bank
could not be earlier than about 120 A.D. It should also be recorded
that on the berm outside the wall in this Section and piled against
the face of the wall to a depth of 15 inches above the offset course
was an untouched deposit of burnt material, black earth and
charcoal conveniently dated to the fourth century by the rim of
a pink hammer-headed mortarium deeply embedded in it. The
relevance of this deposit to some features of the adjoining Section
III will be apparent later (p. 25).
EXCAVATIONS OF 1935.
The upshot of the work done in 1934 was to show that the
north-west corner of the town must have lain considerably further
north than the tree which traditionally marked its site, for the
piece of wall uncovered in Section I was still aligned north and
south, and showed no deflection eastward or other indication of
the approaching corner. It became probable that the whole of
the north wall was on approximately one alignment, that the re-
entrant marked by O.S. had no real existence, and that the corner
was fairly sharp like that at the south-east of the town; in this
case it was to be sought in the neighbourhood of the hedge
separating O.S. 57 from 44.
During the winter of 1934-5 a pipe-line for sewage disposal
was laid between Aldborough and a pumping station east of
Boroughbridge nearer the bank of the Ure. It ran (as shown on
fig. 3) east and west across the south-end of O.S. 44 and then
north and south down the whole length of O.S. 56 and the southern
part of 55 and so through a farmyard and into the village street
opposite the church. Its trench thus provided an opportunity for
obtaining a rough cross-section of the whole northern half of the
town, for observing the apparent density of occupation and
perhaps for recovering something of its general plan. While the
character of the work and the extremely bad weather made it
impossible to obtain accurate information from the trench, the
observations made along its whole course by Miss Kitson-Clark,
Mr. F. Kirk Horsell, and Mr. Kent, and the recovery of a quantity
of pottery including a large dump of Samian, were of great interest
and merit separate publication. Three points only need be noticed
here: first, that further evidence was obtained for the levelling
up of the lower half of the town by the dumping of sand and
18 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
rubbish; second, that this part of the town seems never to have
been thickly built over, only one set of real house foundations
being encountered in the whole length of O.S. 56; and third, that
it was only in the farmyard and in the village street, near the
centre of the town in fact, that first century pottery was thrown
out of the trench in any appreciable quantities.
More important for the present purpose was the light thrown
by the trench on the course of the town wall. It was not dug
deep enough in the relevant area to encounter the footings if they
are still in place, but it was clear from the upper stratification
that the wall cannot have lain anywhere within O.S. 56; on the
other hand between 16 and 26 feet north of the hedge between
O.S. 56 and 44 was a disturbed area which could easily indicate
the stone robber's trench which is everywhere present where the
wall once ran. The subsequent discoveries of 1935 make it certain
that this was the site of the wall, and to these we must now return.
The object being still to determine the course and character
of the defences, the work fell into two parts. The course of the
wall was further pursued, first by the digging of a section (Section
IV) across the presumed line immediately south of the hedge
between O.S. 57 and 44: and when the wall foundations were
found to be still proceeding north, though the curve eastwards was
just beginning, another section (Section V) was dug north of the
hedge across the angle itself. The discovery of further footings
outside the angle led to the opening up of a large external angle-
bastion which will be described later. Meanwhile the character
of the defences was being examined in a section (Section III) cut
at right angles across the whole defensive system as near as
possible to the well-preserved piece of the wall which had been
found in Section I in 1934. In this section we were lucky enough
to overrun the footings of another much smaller bastion built
against the outer face of the wall.
The evidence for the character and date of the defences
provided by these three sections will now be considered.
Section III (fig. 6) was 6 feet wide, ninety feet long, and varied
between seven and seventeen feet in depth. The unexpected
depth to which part of the section had to be taken behind the
wall was due to the fact that before it was built the site had
apparently been occupied by a sandpit; the natural slope of the
ground falling away north and west had been cut into from below
until a more or less vertical face had been left nearly ten feet
high, some seventeen feet east of the line selected by the wall
builders. The date of these operations was sufficiently indicated
by the presence of an occupation level on the floor of the sandpit,
associated with a post-hole a foot wide, which penetrated the
natural sand to a depth of eighteen inches, and had a slot for a
sleeper beam running into it; this perhaps formed part of a hut
or office belonging to the manager of the sandpit. In the post-
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 19
hole and in the occupation floor associated with it were parts of
a Flavian reeded bowl, two grey jar rims (fig. 7, 2, 7), a piece
of Samian form 27, two pieces of Flavian rusticated ware, pieces
of early pink jugs, two minute fragments of glass, and a mussel
shell; from the sleeper trench and the floor — two fragments of the
same grey lid. The sandpit is thus likely to have been in operation
well before the end of the first century; and it is worthy of note,
first, that the Roman occupation area at Isurium cannot at this
time have possessed defences on this part of their present align-
ment, and second, that the systematic digging of sand here by
persons using normal Roman pottery suggests that building
operations in the Roman manner were taking place not very far
off.
How long did the sand pit remain open? The floor was
covered with a deposit of dirty sand, thickest on the inner side
against the steep face of the pit and clearly derived from rain-wash,
falls of sand off the sides, and other accumulations during a period
of disuse. In this was a certain amount of pottery mostly similar
in date to that from the floor, Flavian rusticated ware and reeded
bowls, Samian 27, 35/36, and 29 (fig. 8, 1, style of PUDENS)
a piece of striated grey ware similar to that from the early deposits
at Richborough (Richborough II., p. 97, PI. xxiv, 35) and a grey
jar rim of the type of fig. 7, 1: it contained also some pieces
that may be later, the rim of a dish of a type occurring in
Hadrianic deposits on the Wall, and part of a carinated bowl
(fig. 7, 10) for which no obvious parallels have been noticed.
Before leaving the pre-wall period it should be noticed that
it was also represented in the lowest level resting on natural sand
above the face of the sandpit, in which scraps of Samian 27 and
18 were found associated with rusticated ware and part of a pink
mortarium of early second century type (fig. 7, 8); it was also re-
presented more strongly in the lowest deposits at the west end of the
Section which are level with the occupation on the floor of the
sandpit, and would have been continuous with it before the building
of the wall. Here there was a regular occupation floor but no further
post-holes: it produced a piece of Samian form 27, the rim and
handle of an early buff jug, part of a rough-cast beaker, most of
a little grey beaker (type of fig. 7, 3), a grey jar with wavy line on
the neck (a type which recurs repeatedly in deposits just preceding
the building of the wall (fig. 7, 6) and a dark grey roll-rim dish
(fig. 7, 11).
Not long after the abandonment of the sandpit it was
deliberately filled up, and it is difficult to dissociate this event
from the preparations for the building of the Wall which provided
the most obvious context for it. Apparently, when the line of the
Wall was laid out, it was found to cross the pit and sooner than
deflect the line it was decided to fill up the pit, and then cut
foundations for the Wall in the filling. The substantial nature of
the wall footings, consisting of a mass of clay and cobbles three
20
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Fig. 7. Coarse pottery from pre-wall levels (1934-5).
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 21
and a half feet deep, and wider than the wall by two and a half
feet in front and nearly two feet behind are similar in scale to
those found elsewhere in the northern part of the town, and are
no doubt related to the fact that they were laid for the most part
in made up ground. At this point at least they were none too
substantial, for the whole wall here seems to have tipped forwards
and, when excavated, the front face was out of the true by as
much as three inches in four and a half feet.
The filling of the pit, the building of the wall, and the piling
up of the clay bank behind were, it seems, interlocking parts of
one process, and the sequence of events was clearly revealed in
the section. The accumulation already in the pit was first cut
back from the line the footings were to take, but before they
were laid the pit was filled up to the level of the top of the steep
natural face. The core of this filling consisted of two heaps of
rather carelessly laid turf cut in large blocks some over two feet
long with a straight face between them: into this crevice some
turves had slipped and were still distinguishable up-ended between
the two series of horizontal layers. On both sides of this heap,
sand, clay, and burnt debris of all kinds was spread in layers to
a depth of some four feet; some of it came probably from the
digging of the ditch in front of the wall, some from inside the town.
This filling contained comparatively little datable material, scraps
of three Samian form 27s, and of three 18s, a piece of verti-
cally combed grey rusticated ware, the rim of a pink jug of
Flavian type, part of a dark purple glass handle and some pieces
of fused lead: nothing necessarily later than the Hadrianic period
was found. After the pit was full the face of the filling was cut
back and the footings of the wall were laid as already described:
a well-defined surface developed on top of the filling at this stage,
a line of large cobbles was set out on top of the heap of turf
parallel with the wall, and a temporary hearth lay between it and
the back of the filled pit. In this hearth were found an As of
Nerva, a flint flake, and some pottery including a piece of Samian
27, the rim of a 37 of Trajan-Hadrian type and part of a large
buff-coated pink jug: the presence of red sandstone fragments
showed that building material for the wall was also being brought
up. The building of the wall took place simultaneously with the
raising of the bank on this level behind it. The back part of this
bank was of sand, turf, and rubbish similar in character to the
lower filling of the sandpit, and this was heaped up first to a
height of four feet: in the top foot of it and three feet nine inches
below the present surface was found a considerably worn As of
Hadrian belonging to the earliest years of his reign. Between the
wall and this sandy rampart, whose face was cut back to an
angle of rest to receive it, was inserted a bank of stiff grey clay,
about seventeen feet wide and between five and six feet thick
where it merged with the sandy bank; in front it covered the
whole back of the wall which is here preserved to seven and a
22
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Fig. 8. Scale =
Samian Pottery (1935).
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 23
half feet from the footings. The slope of the bank suggests that
it was originally some four feet higher, and thus the outer face of
the wall would have been twelve feet high from the offset course
without allowing for any projection above the bank; allowing a
projection of at least five feet and another three for parapet and
battlements the external height of the wall would have been not
less than twenty feet. The clay bank was put in in stages as the
wall rose, for several lines of sandstone chips representing successive
building levels occurred in it, and the presence of a further heap
of chips on the surface of the bank fourteen feet behind the wall
suggests that the masons were still at work after the bank had
been completed.
The certain contemporaneity of clay bank and wall makes
the contents of the former of great importance for dating the
whole defensive system. The clay, though very stiff, was far from
clean and contained a good deal of broken tile, some oyster shells,
and a little pottery and glass. It was, however, capped throughout
by an heavy occupation level containing a great deal of pottery
running from the Antonine period to the fourth century (see fig. 10) :
from this level rubbish pits had been dug into the bank which
make it impossible altogether to eliminate contamination of the
upper part of the bank from these later deposits. Making due
allowance for the possibility of such intrusions, however, the clay
bank does appear to contain along with late first and early second
century material similar to that which is typical, as we have
seen, of the pre-wall deposits, a few pieces which can be as late
as the middle of the second century. Thus along with Samian
form 27 (two pieces), a Flavian Curie 11, and another grey jar
rim of the type of fig. 7, 6, were for the first time parts of two
cups of form 33, one of them of the delicate early type, the other
possibly Antonine, and of two 37s, one of Trajanic date, but
another probably by CINNAMVS (fig. 8, 9) datable 140-150 A.D.
It would thus appear that the building of the wall cannot
be placed earlier than 150: but that it was not much later than
this is the natural inference from the absence of Antonine pottery
in the sandpit filling and other pre-wall deposits: an absence
which contrasts strongly with its frequency in the occupation level
which evidently began accumulating on top of the clay bank as
soon as the wall was finished. This occupation which continued
from the Antonine period to the middle of the fourth century is
clearly to be connected with such rough foundations as those
which have already been described as occurring on top of the
bank in Section I: in Section III however no structural remains
were found.
The wall itself which was 8 ft. 3 inches thick above the
external offset course, was built of the local red sandstone which
outcrops on the upper slopes of the valley side at the south end
of the town, where large quarries almost certainly of Roman date
are still to be seen outside the south-west angle. The external
24
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
face was built in regular courses, six inches deep of blocks varying
in length from one to as much as three feet. In Section III only
three courses were preserved above the offset, but when the whole
face of the wall between Sections I and III was subsequently
opened up, eight courses were still standing for part of the distance
to a height of between four and five feet. Straight joints between
the courses were skilfully avoided in spite of the very varied
lengths of the stones employed, and several varieties of diamond,
diagonal, and vertical broaching were still visible on many of the
blocks.
Fig. 9. Scale = T
Samian Pottery (1935).
The core of the wall was composed of red sandstone rubble
well consolidated with white mortar, and the back was faced with
untrimmed sandstone blocks, laid in shallower and less regular
courses than the front: eighteen were preserved in a height of
seven and a half feet. The width of the wall was also narrowed
at the back by successive offsets at irregular intervals of which
three were preserved, to little more than seven feet at the highest
point left: the appearance of a slight batter between the offsets
was probably due to the forward settlement of the whole wall to
which attention has already been drawn.
In front of the wall there was originally a berm of some ten
feet and then apparently a single ditch about thirteen feet wide
and about six feet deep. The dimensions of this ditch are some-
what problematical for in Section III it had been very largely
obliterated by the foundations of the later bastion; similarly its
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 25
presence was completely masked in Section V by the angle bastion,
and there was no time to extend Section IV so as to include it:
for these reasons it has not been marked on the plan (fig. 3).
It has already been mentioned that the clay and cobble
footings of the wall projected some two and a half feet in front
of it, and beyond this the similar clay and cobble footings of the
solid bastion extended to a point twenty-two feet from the face
of the wall. Its width along the wall face could not be determined
exactly: the northern edge was found (see fig. 3) ten and a half
feet north of Section III but a last minute effort to find its
southern limit which culminated in some perilous tunnelling under
nine feet of loose stones and debris from the wall, had to be
stopped when success had probably but not certainly been
achieved; the estimated width of the structure was thus thirty-
two feet. Its shape was probably semi-circular but again the time
and labour required in removing the eight to ten feet of soil and
debris which everywhere overlay the footings were not available
in the last few days of the excavation.
In the area excavated no parts of the bastion were found
in situ above the footings, and it was at first thought possible
that it had never been built beyond this stage. Three facts how-
ever make this very improbable. First, it was observed that,
though its masonry must have been built against and afterwards
stripped from the main wall without any noticeable damage to
the latter, yet there were traces here and there on its surface of
a slurry of mortar most easily explicable as the result of the
abutment of another building, and these traces, though they did
not end in a straight line, were not seen beyond the point at which
the bastion footings stopped. Secondly, the stone robbers’ debris
above and around the bastion contained a good many broken
pieces of millstone grit, limestone, and yellow sandstone, in
addition to the red sandstone which alone is used in the building
of the wall itself: their presence is only explicable if the bastion
was built of these materials and it is worth noticing that the
same phenomenon was also observed in the neighbourhood of the
angle bastion. There two blocks of yellow sandstone were actually
found in place on the footings, while Mr. Barber records a block
of millstone grit remaining in place on the footings of the north-
east angle bastion. Thirdly, the deposit of burnt debris against
the outer face of the wall already recorded in Section I (see p. 17)
would have accumulated more readily in the angle between a
bastion and the wall than along a plain stretch of wall, and in fact
no trace of such a deposit occurred on the stretch of wall that
would have been covered by the bastion. Although we are thus
bound to agree that the bastion was really built, a curious piece
of evidence turned up to suggest that it had already been re-
moved at a fairly early date. Immediately overlying the footings
on the north side were found some human remains including
considerable parts of a skull and legbones, evidently from a
26
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Fig. 10.
Coarse Pottery (£)- — Occupation over rampart bank.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 27
disturbed burial, and with them was a deposit of red-deer antlers.
Although Knaresborough forest is not far away it is on the whole
improbable that red deer were wandering near the ruins of Isurium
after the earlier part of the Middle Ages, nor is a burial in such a
position likely to be very recent: perhaps a late Saxon context
for this curious interment is more probable than any other: but
whenever it was made there was no more of the bastion standing
than there is now.
Rather more can be said of the date of its building owing
to the fortunate fact that the ditch, if it was a ditch, through
which its footings were dug, had been used as a rubbish tip and
contained a very large quantity of pottery. The footings had
moreover been laid not in a vertical sided trench but in one which
shelved back at a considerable angle,1 so that though they ex-
tended at the top to within three feet of the outer lip of the ditch,
a much greater amount of its filling remained undisturbed beneath
them than there was any reason at first to hope. It was possible
to see that the contents of the ditch had been stratified in an
interesting way. Above a level of dirty sand representing the
considerable primary silting natural in very soft material, there
was a layer of burnt sand containing pottery, bones, wall-plaster,
tiles, tesserae and other debris from destroyed buildings. This was
capped by a level of dark humus, as though rank grass and
vegetation had grown over the damp half-filled ditch. Above this
again was another level of burnt debris with pottery similar to
the previous one which must have completely filled the ditch.
Above this again a regular occupation level extended over the
filling up to the footings of the bastion, and westwards down the
trench. This also contained a quantity of pottery, and a hearth
or cooking-hole of clay roughly lined with large cobbles was
found associated with it some nine feet west of the bastion. This
level was evidently accumulating before the bastion was built for
it was overlaid close to the footings by heaps containing mixed
material of rather earlier date similar to the rubbish levels in the
ditch; this material had evidently been thrown out from the ditch
in laying the bastion footings; so that the stratification at this
point appeared to be inverted.
These deposits all contained considerable quantities of
pottery, especially the burnt levels in the ditch which in places
were composed of little else. Although it was tempting to guess
that the layer of humus between the two burnt levels there
indicated a considerable lapse of time, and might even serve to
relate the rubbish above and below it to events of major im-
portance in the town's later history, the contents of the two
levels and of the occupation over the ditch turn out to be closely
related. The two deposits differed less in the number of types
1 Footings of this same shelving type were found by Mr. Barber at
the N.E. angle bastion. This constitutes a very strong presumption that
the bastions belong to the same period.
28
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Ftg. 11.
Coarse Pottery (|). Deposit in ditch under lateral bastion (both levels).
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 29
represented than in the proportion in which these occurred in
each. Thus the lower burnt level had a good deal more Samian
in it than the other, mostly Antonine and later in date, including
parts of forms 31, 33, 37, and 38, all noticeably worn. The coarse
pottery from all the levels is illustrated on figs. 11-12 and discussed
p. 36. Although many of the forms from the lower level have
an earlier look than those from the upper, the mortaria serve to
bring the two closer together, for the lower contained four (fig.
27, 1, 3, 4, 8) which can hardly be earlier than the late third
century and would be more easily placed in the fourth. The same
is also true of the buff mortarium with red painted decoration
(fig. 12, 1) which was found right under the bastion footings near
the inner side of the ditch, and was probably lost during the
trenching for the footings themselves.
Fig. 12.
Section III 1935. Deposit in ditch under lateral bastion, (upper levels)
(Scale = J).
In face of this mass of evidence it is difficult to place the
building of the bastion earlier than the second quarter of the
fourth century, and the contents of the occupation level covering
the filled ditch beneath it fully confirm this date, for while this
30
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
level was less certainly sealed than the material under the footings,
it did mostly underlie the heaps which were thrown out of the
ditch by the diggers of the trench for the footings. A tabular
comparison of the contents of this level with the contents of the
overlying heaps may serve to bring out the increasing pre-
ponderance of certainly fourth century types in the lower but
later stratum.
Material thrown out of the ditch
Building level of bastion
Bowls, roll rim
4
0
,, flat topped rim
5
4
,, flanged
0
5
Jars, rectangular outbent rim
5
7
,, broad bevelled type
1
5
Thus the flanged bowls, and jars with bevelled rims, are replacing
the long-lived roll rim bowls, while the jars with rectangular
outbent rims, and the flat topped rim bowls remain more or less
constant in the two periods. It may be noticed that along with
a mass of earlier types only one jar rim of the broad bevelled
type occurred in the whole deposit from the ditch itself: it would
seem that this type, which belongs to the early fourth century,
had not long been in fashion when the bastion was built.
Section IV. (Fig. 13) can be briefly described since in all
essential features it confirmed the evidence for the date and
construction of the wall already discussed in detail under Section
III. It was cut in the first instance merely to locate the wall and
was not extended to cover the ditch, though the opportunity
was taken to investigate further the relation of the wall to the
clay bank behind it.
It was found that the whole superstructure of the wall had
here been robbed away, leaving only the clay and cobble footings.
These were fourteen and a half feet wide and four feet deep,
being laid through a stratum of dirty sand; they rested on natural
sand at a depth of eight and a half feet below the modern surface.
Here too the footings must have been considerably wider than
the wall built on them, and covering the back part of them was
a loose heap eighteen inches high of blocks and chunks of red
sandstone evidently left over by the masons in building the wall
and stacked against the back of it on the footings. Before they
could be removed however the party laying the clay bank arrived
and deposited clay all over them, incorporating the heap in the
rampart, so that when the wall was robbed in recent times it
escaped notice being entirely covered by the clay bank. For
seven feet behind the footings a diminishing trail of sandstone
chips led eastwards from this heap under the clay bank and
served to demarcate it from the underlying dirty sand, which
rose steadily behind the wall. The upper part of the clay bank
had all been worn away for the first seventeen feet from the wall,
but beyond this point the slope of the original surface remained
ALDBOROUGH * 1935
SECTION V
SECTION IV
CLAY fir COBBLE
FOOTINGS
J-NL-M- MENS-
Fig. 13. Sections IV and V, 1935.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 31
with a thick occupation level on it containing, as in Section III,
a lot of pottery running from the mid-second to the fourth century.
If the line of the sloping surface of the bank were prolonged to the
wall at the same angle the clay rampart would here have been
originally between seven and eight feet thick above the wall
footings, a figure very similar to that still preserved in Section III,
though there the surface must originally have been somewhat
higher.
The dating evidence from this section tallied closely with
that from Section III. From the dirty sand through which the
wall footings were laid came parts of at least 4 cups of Samian
form 27, and a latticed grey bowl; a denarius of Vespasian (cos
iiii, 72 A.D.) in good condition was found during filling-in
embedded in dirty sand on the part of the tip thrown out from
the same pre-wall deposit. In the stone heap on the footings
under the clay bank was the rim of a Hadrianic cup of form 33,
and in the clay bank itself were parts of two or three dishes of
form 18, of at least three cups of form 27, a delicate Flavian
cup of form 35 with criss-cross graffiti (fig. 8, 4) the flange of a
bowl of form 38 (O & P PI. lxxii, 2, Trajan-Antonine) part of
two cups of form 33, one of early second century type, the other
Hadrian-Antonine, and part of a 37, probably of Antonine date.
Among the coarse pottery were the rims of a pink beaker and
of a grey trellised bowl. This suggests, as in Section III, that
the defences cannot be earlier than the middle of the second
century.
Section V and the Angle Bastion.
North of the hedge separating O.S. 57 from 44 the outer
face of the wall footings was picked up in a narrow trench and
followed round the north west angle of the town as shown in
fig. 3. It was found that the inner face of another clay and cobble
footing diverged from the curve of the town wall close to the
hedge and continued northwards approximately on the line
previously followed by the town wall. The outer face of the
footing was found ten feet further west, and this ran at first north
and then curved eastwards until it was cut by the pipe line trench
(see p. 17) which had shaved off the northern part of its circuit.
Its point of junction with the main wall north-east of the angle
was however found and also the curving inner face of the footings
on the north side which was not built in a straight line as was the
stretch first discovered, where it diverged from the main wall by
the hedge. Time did not permit the tracing of the whole inner
face of the footings and the point of junction between the straight
and curved section was not found.
The structure thus outlined had evidently been a bastion of
semi-elliptical form and solid construction masking the whole
angle of the original wall. It was sixty-four feet wide and its
maximum projection from the wall was a little over thirty feet;
32
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
the footings varied from eight to sixteen feet in thickness. No
part of its walls was preserved above the footings except for two
blocks of yellow sandstone, one on the outer face near the hedge,
the other on the inner face in the northern part: both were the
same size, being two feet eight inches in length, one foot seven
inches in width and eleven inches in height. The whole area
around and over the bastion had been extensively disturbed by
stone-robbers some of whose trenches had cut through the cobble
footings both of the bastion and the wall. The ground was full of
fragments of the yellow sandstone, limestone and millstone grit of
which the bastion had been built, but contained very little pottery
or other material evidence of occupation.
Section V was laid out across the wall and bastion footings
from the clay bank behind the former to the outer edge of the
latter. It was forty-eight feet long and two feet nine inches wide.
The inner part of this section was carried down to the natural
sand, but time was not available for its completion beyond the
outer edge of the bastion, nor for the extremely laborious task of
cutting through its clay and cobble footings to test their depth
and to verify the existence of the hypothetical ditch belonging to
the town wall which may underlie them. It is very desirable that
further work should be done here both to determine the date of
the bastion and to provide if possible confirmatory evidence to
that obtained in Section III for the course and character of the
ditch. At present the only evidence of value bearing on the date
of the bastion is derived from a small pit dug against the outer
edge of its footings close to the hedge: this produced in odd
association with a piece of a ITadrianic 37 in the style of Albucius
Pottery from foundation trench of Angle-Bastion.
(fig. 8, 3: 14, 1), parts of two grey flanged bowls of fourth
century date (fig. 14, 2, 3) which can hardly have reached this
position after the footings were laid and probably came from its
foundation trench.
In Section V not only had all the superstructure of the town
wall been robbed away, but only the lowest two or three courses
of its cobble footings remained in place. These rested on the
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 33
natural sand at a depth of seven feet three inches from the modern
surface and behind them was a deposit of dirty sand through
which they had been laid; this was capped, as in Section IV, by a
layer of red sandstone chips from the building level of the wall,
and this in turn by three feet of the clay bank which was still in
place. Nothing was found here except the rim of a cup of form 33
of the earliest type, probably Trajan-Hadrian in date, which came
from the mason’s level under the clay bank, a piece of evidence
which coheres satisfactorily with that from Sections III and IV.
It may be noted at this point that there was nothing in Section V
to suggest that there had ever been an internal tower behind the
wall at this corner of the town, and a trench ten feet long which
was cut running N.E. from the end of the section to pursue the
search for such an angle tower encountered nothing but the
undisturbed clay of the bank throughout its course; if there was
an internal angle-tower here, similar to that found at the S.E.
angle in 1937, it was either placed eccentrically, or was filled with
clay like that used in the bank, and so escaped detection.
Between the front of the wall and the back of the bastion
the natural sand was reached at a depth of some five to six feet;
close behind the bastion footings it was cut by a straight-sided
flat-bottomed slot 18 ins. wide1 and the same deep, which crossed
the section obliquely in a north-easterly direction; this slot, which
there was no time to pursue either way, presumably held a sleeper-
beam belonging to some timber building of the first Roman
occupation. The dirty soil of its filling contained only an in-
determinate scrap of Samian and a piece of pink jugware of
Flavian character, and there was no floor or other definite occupa-
tion level associated with it. The timber structure must in any
case have been dismantled before the deposition of the dirty sand
which here, as we have seen, everywhere covers the site, to a
depth of some three feet, and through which the footings of the
wall were subsequently laid. Its period of use probably began
about the same time as that of the timber building in the sandpit
in Section III and may have been even more shortlived. On top
of the dirty sand, which contained little of interest save a grey
jar rim with wavy line on the neck of the type of fig. 7, 6, was
a scatter of red sandstone chips against the robbed face of the
wall indicating the mason’s level for its building, and above this
a burnt level which must have accumulated against the wall by
the time the bastion was built, for it merged northwestwards into
a level containing a good many yellow sandstone chips evidently
from the building level of the bastion. Very little unfortunately
was found in either part of this accumulation, and no regular
occupation level or floor existed inside the bastion, the building
level being immediately overlaid by a mass of debris composed
mainly of red sandstone from the wall which merged at both ends
1 The greater width of the slot shown on fig. 13 is due to the fact that
Section V crossed it obliquely.
34
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
into the robber trenches overlying the wall and bastion footings
respectively. Owing to the slope of the ground the building level
of the inside of the bastion was apparently some three feet higher
than that of the outer face; it has already been mentioned that
the depth of the footings and the nature of the underlying deposits
still await investigation.
The chronological information derived from the excavations
of 1934 and 1935 may be tentatively summarized as follows.
Occupation of the Agricolan period in this part of the later town
was of an unsystematic character, and was associated, in the
sandpit and outside the N.W. angle, with timber buildings. At
some date in the first half of the second century, perhaps im-
mediately before the building of the wall, an attempt was made
to raise the level of much of this area by the dumping of large
quantities of dirty sand. The building of the wall and layout of
the defences took place in the Antonine period, and involved
considerable modifications of the previous topography, including
the filling of a sandpit on the line chosen for the wall. Sub-
sequently further raising of the ground level inside the defences
was apparently undertaken perhaps because the construction of
the wall blocked the natural drainage of the slope and turned
the region inside the wall into a swamp. Large quantities of
burnt refuse accumulated on the bank behind the wall between
the Antonine period and the middle of the fourth century, and
rough buildings were put up there. Similar material was dumped
into and filled the ditch outside the wall, partly in the course of
a tidying up of the interior. This shortly preceded the addition
of a solid bastion to the outer face of the wall at a date in the
second quarter of the fourth century. A very large bastion was
also built, probably but not certainly at the same period, outside
the N.W. angle, and it might be suggested that this bastion with
its poor lateral command of the adjacent stretches of wall may
lie typologically between early fourth century structures like the
Multangular Tower at York, which it resembles in size but not
in shape or construction, and the little bastions at the angles of
the late fourth century signal stations which have no lateral
command at all. Of the end of the occupation little can be said,
except that typical Signal Station pottery hardly occurred in the
excavations, though it is represented in the collections in the
Aldborough Museum. There is some evidence that the fourth
century bastions were deliberately dismantled at some date after
Roman times but before the walls themselves had been seriously
attacked by stone-robbers.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 35
POTTERY, 1934-5.
Fig. 7. Coarse Pottery from pre-wall levels.
1. Cook-pot, ornamented with burnished lattice pattern on unpolished
body: gritty black ware.
Section III : from dirty sand above the sandpit floor, below the deliberate
filling of the pit.
2. Upper part of jar (perhaps rusticated): thin gritty grey ware with red
core.
Section III: from filling of a post-hole in the sandpit floor.
3. Small beaker: hard light grey ware.
Section III : from old surface under the rampart bank at the top of the
sandpit face.
4. Upper part of bowl: hard light grey ware.
Section III : from same deposit as 3, 5 and 10.
5. Rim of reeded-rim bowl: light red ware, traces of mica, much burnt.
Section III : from same deposit as 3, 4 and 10.
6. Upper part of cook-pot, ornamented with burnished lattice pattern on
body, and wavy line on neck: dark grey ware, burnished inside rim
and on shoulder.
Section III : west end, from old surface continuous with sandpit floor.
Several other sherds from vessels of this type occurred in immediately
pre-wall deposits.
7. Upper part of reeded-rim bowl with groove at carination: hard grey
ware.
Section III: from filling of a post-hole in the sand-pit floor.
8. Rim of mortarium: orange-pink ware with black and white grits.
Section III: from the bottom of the sandy filling above the sandpit face.
9. [undescribed].
10. Body of carinated bowl, ornamented with horizontal grooves and
vertical burnished lines: hard light grey ware.
Section III : from same deposit as 3, 4 and 5.
1 1 . Dish with burnished lattice pattern on the sides and squiggles on the
base: black ware, burnished surface.
Section III : from same deposit as 6 and 12.
12. Part of rim and base-angle of hand-made jar: red/black gritty ware.
Section III : from same deposit as 6 and 11.
Fig. 10. Coarse Pottery from rubbish level overlying the rampart
BANK.
All but one of the pieces illustrated come from the rubbish levels which
accumulated on top of the rampart bank: 1-5 and 7-15 are from Section III,
16-21 from Section IV. 6 came from a pit dug into the top of the bank
from this level. The chronological range of the material is thus wide, and
may cover the whole period from mid-second to mid-fourth century.
1. Upper part of jar with upright collared rim: hard light blue-grey
ware with dark core.
2-6. Rims of jars in hard, gritty, blue-grey ware.
7. Upper part of small beaker, with spreading rim: fine light grey ware
with black slip and light polish.
8, 9. Flanged and carinated bowls: hard pink ware with blue core.
10. Hammer-head mortarium: white Ware with red and black grits.
11. Small mortarium: white ware with grey core and fine red and black
grits.
12. Upper part of bowl: hard light grey ware, burnished.
13. 14. Straight-sided dishes, ornamented with random burnished lines;
black, gritty ware, burnished.
15. Small Rhenish cup, copy of Ritterling Form 8: Fine red ware with
brilliant, black metallic lustre surface.
16. Broad-bevelled rim of large jar: black, calcite-gritted ware.
17. 18. Rims of jars: hard, light grey, gritty ware.
36 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
19. Upper part of hand-made cookpot: calcite-gritted ware. This is
the only example of its type from this deposit.
20. Frilled rim and neck of pitcher: hard, dark grey, gritty ware,
burnished inside the rim.
21. Conical cup with slightly concave sides, copy of Drag. Form 33.
Hard light-grey ware with black burnish.
Note on Figs. 11, 12 and 27. Pottery from the Deposit underlying
the Lateral Bastion.
As stated above, the pottery from this very considerable deposit was
not all from one horizon although it did not widely differ in date throughout
its range. The stratification was not at first clear, so that the pottery is
arranged in three groups; pottery that can be assigned to one of the two
distinct levels (Figs. 12 and 27) and pottery from the deposit as a whole,
Fig. 11.
The distinct groups come from two layers of burnt sand separated by
humus, the upper layer shading off into the occupation level at the time
of the building of the bastion. Beyond the bastion there is also material
from the same two layers reversed, for the lower was thrown out by the
bastion-builders in digging the trench for the bastion footings, and landed
on top of the occupation associated with the upper layer.
The associated Samian is discussed in detail elsewhere (Fig. 8) : here it
may be said that the quantity of Antonine Samian present in these com-
paratively late levels seems to be characteristic of the whole town, and that
three fragments of third century Samian help to bring it more into line
with the date of the coarse pottery.
Fig. 11. Coarse pottery from the Town ditch under the lateral
bastion in Section III (both levels) and from the Angle bastion (26).
1, 2, 3, 5, 7. Rims of mortaria, 2 and 5 being hammer heads: creamy
white ware with black grits.
6. Hammer head mortarium: coarse sandy red ware with little grit.
4. Small lid: coarse gritty pink ware with blue core: much worn and
battered.
8. Small bowl of mortarium form, copy of Curie Form 1 1 : creamy
white ware, with red painted leaves on the flanged rim.
9. Base of jar with graffito “S" outside: grey ware.
10-21. Dishes and bowls of various forms, some (14, 15, 18) decorated
with random burnished lines, but no true trellis pattern.
11, light red ware, surface mica-dusted, with blue core.
12, 15. black burnished ware.
13, 14, 16, 19, 20, 21. hard light grey ware, burnished.
22. Rim of tall pitcher: hard light grey ware.
23-25, 27, 28, 30-35. Jars and cook-pots of various forms, some (23, 27, 28,
34, 35) decorated with intersecting diagonal burnished lines forming
various types of trellis pattern.
23. hard, light grey ware, sooted surface.
27, 28, 34, 35. hard grey ware, with black polish.
24. 30-33. sandy or gritty ware, grey/black surface.
25. blue-grey ware with small white grits.
30. Light grey to black surface, with reddish core.
29. Upper part of a bowl, with heavy outbent rim: red ware.
In addition to the above types, some of which occurred in quantity,
the deposit contained copies of Drag. Form 33 in hard grey ware, copies of
Drag. Form 38 in hard light red ware with blue core and traces of slip, and
numerous colour-coated shards from Castor ware folded beakers and hunt
cups, with white barbotine decoration.
26. Rim of jar with swollen outbent rim: grey/black ware. From the
Angle-bastion: unstratified but with other fourth-century shards.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 37
Fig. 12. Coarse pottery from the Town Ditch under the lateral
bastion in Section III: upper levels.
The pieces illustrated include part of the rim of a buff mortarium
decorated with a zigzag line and dots in red paint (1), a grey folded beaker (8),
and two small beakers (6, 10), a flanged pie dish in grey ware (2), and the
spreading rim of a grey jar of fourth-century type (9).
Fig. 27. Coarse pottery from the Town Ditch under the lateral
bastion in Section III: lower levels.
1-3, 5, 6, 8. Rims of mortaria: cream or buff ware with red or black grits.
4. Upper part of small beaker: grey ware.
7. Frilled rim of conical cup: pink ware.
9-12, 15. Rims of cook-pots: hard gritty grey ware, 15 being burnished
on the inside of the neck.
13, 14. Pie dishes: hard light grey ware: 13 is ornamented with two
intersecting wavy burnished lines.
SAMIAN WARE.
(Note: the comments between inverted commas are those of the late Dr.
F. Oswald).
Fig. 8.
Section III, dirty sand above the occupation on the floor of the sandpit and
below its deliberate filling.
No. 1. Good, dark glaze. "This piece with a bestiarius (Dech. 634) facing
a lion, over conventional grass tuft is identical with the representation on
a Form 29 from Rottweil, stamped OF PUDENT. It is a late 29 with the
carinated moulding flattened out and could be of Domitianic age. The
work of Pudens of La Graufesenque is related to that of Biragillus and
Mercator and he may have worked also at Banassac."
Section III from the building level of the wall.
No. 2. "Indeterminate fragment of 37, probably Hadrian-Antonine ( c . A.D.
130-40)."
Section V , against the outer edge of the footings of the angle bastion.
No. 3. Light, good glaze, much worn. “37 in style of Albucius, of whom the
bead row is characteristic. The figure is a Hercules (Oswald 779, Dech.
390). Trace of medallion in the next panel. Lezoux ware. Hadrianic (c. A.D.
120-30)."
Section IV in clay bank.
No. 4. Light, fine glaze and paste, with many graffiti-? XXX. "Form 35,
probably Flavian."
No. 5. "Form 37, scroll, probably Antonine."
Section III in clay bank.
No. 6. Light glaze, "37 probably of Trajanic date (A.D. 100-120), but the
figure is too much damaged to identify. Probably Lezoux ware".
No. 7. "Piece of 37 with Venus by a column (Oswald 322), within a
medallion. This is probably by Cinnamus and of Antonine date ( c . A.D.
140-150)."
Section III occupation over clay bank.
No. 8. 38, considerably abraded; the stamp has been destroyed. Under
the base, remains of graffito "P". "Probably Antonine c. A.D. 140-160
and probably Lezoux ware.”
No. 9. “Base of 33 with stamp CARATILLI, Caratillus of Lezoux, Antonine
(A.D. 140-150, this stamp)." Under the base, graffito VIC(T).
38
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
No. 10. Light glaze, rather worn. 37. “Two gladiators (Dech. 616 and 615)
facing each other. These occur on a small 37 at Rouen with the stamp
LASTVCA F retro, and this is perhaps the work of this potter or a closely
allied one. Probably Hadrianic (A.D. 120-130).’’
No. 11. Light glaze. 37. “Venus by column (Oswald 322) with owl (as on
Newstead Cinnamus bowl) within medallion, enclosed by scroll. Typically
the work of Cinnamus. Antonine (A.D. 140-150).’’
No. 12. “Stamp CELSIANI on 33, the same stamp with the L thus
occurs on a 33 at Richborough. Celsianus of Lezoux, Hadrian-Antonine.
(This stamp is probably c. A.D. 130-140).’’
No. 13. “37. Ovolo of Paternus; bird on tripod ornament (Dech. 1068)
which is used by Paternus. This is probably his work. (Antonine, A.D.
140-150).’’
No. 14. Fragments of a 38 (base only shown), with graffiti outside the
bowl and under the base. “Lezoux and Antonine; blurred stamp,
RVI.M, (SERVI.M).’’
No. 15. “37, good glaze. Panels formed by bead rows. On left Tritoness
(Oswald 19). Ovolo used by Paternus, and dolphin to left also used by him.
Tritoness, dolphin in festoon and ovolo occur on a 37 from Wroxeter signed
PATERN FE retro, and this is probably by Paternus of Lezoux: Antonine
(A.D. 140-150).’’
No. 16. “Fragments with the large bead-row characteristic of Doeccus of
Lezoux. Fie uses the same bird (37 DOICC at Geneva) and same snake-
like ornament below vine-leaf in medallion; GD on 37 at York. Hadrian-
Antonine.”
No. 17. “37 of Cinnamus of Lezoux. The stamp CINNAMI OF is no doubt
a little earlier than the usual CINNAMI retro., and may be placed in the
decade A.D. 130-140. The figures are Apollo playing the harp (Oswald 84)
and the mask of Pan which is so common on Antonine bowls.”
No. 18. “Vase with cut-glass technique; Lezoux, end of second century,
blackened by fire.” In addition there are some tiny scraps besides the one
illustrated.
No. 19. “37, Rheinzabern ware. Style of IANVS (his rosettes and large
beads, e.g. Ludowici, Rheinzabern V, p. 133) he uses the small Hercules
(Oswald 758) part of acanthus in the left panel (used by IANVS, Lud.
Rhein. V, p. 144). Hadrian-Antonine.”
Section III from the top of the clay bank immediately behind the Town Wall.
No. 20. “Cut glass technique on vase; Lezoux, Second Century”; badly
blackened by fire.
Unstratified.
No. 21. “37. Marine horse to right (Oswald 48a) within festoon. Bead row
of oblique beads. Probably by PATERNVS of Lezoux, Antonine (A.D.
140-150).”
No. 22. “37. Vine-leaf within medallion and dolphin in the corner of the
panel; square bead rows. Lezoux ware; Antonine (A.D. 140-150).”
Deposit underlying the lateral bastion.
No. 23. “Ovolo and oblique bead-row”, probably Antonine.
No. 24. “This is an unusual piece, for the section shows that the figure is
in pale yellow clay applied to the red clay of the vessel, and hence this pot
belongs to the class of vases with applied reliefs. The form of the vessel was
probably Dech. 72, and the figure is similar to the Vulcan (Dech. 7, p. 194)
seated on a rock. The seated animal with cloven hoof was probably either
a deer or a bull. An instance of such a vase occurs as near Aldborough as
York. These vases were made at Lezoux at the end of the second century —
beginning of the third century.”
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 39
No. 25. “37. Apparently decoration in arcades but the figure is too obscure
and blurred to identify. Probably Hadrian-Antonine, c. A.D. 130-140, and
Lezoux ware".
Fig. 9.
No. 26. “Base of form 37 with the large round beads characteristic of
DOECCVS of Lezoux, and the narrow vertical ornament occurs on a 37
with his large qD from Vichy (St. Germain Museum). The common Pan’s
mask often used by Doeccus (Dech. 675) and another mask (full-face,
Dech. 678) occur but are not distinctive, and the two urns are unusual. I
think it is probably the work of DOECCVS, but rather late, c. A.D. 150.”
No. 27. “Form 38 with stamp IVSTI.M (?) 38 IVSTI.M occurs in London
(London Museum) Justus of Lezoux. This stamp would be Antonine, A.D.
160-180.”
Nos. 28 and 29. “Form 30. Two fragments with Mask (? of Pan) with
small double-ringed medallions in panels of wavy lines. Probably Lezoux
ware and Hadrianic (A.D. 120-130).”
No. 30. “37. Panels enclosed in bead rows with astragali at junctions.
Figure of Venus on a mask (Oswald 305) probably the work of DIVIXTVS.
The Venus occurs on the 37 DIVIX already found at Aldborough and on
30 DIVIX F from London (London Museum) and also from Colchester.
He often uses medallions with double ring and small rings in the field.
Antonine (A.D. 140-150).”
No. 31. Ovolo with bead rim.
No. 32. Ovolo ? Antonine.
Section III upcast from ditch.
No. 33. “37. In the first panel, (marked by rhomboidal beads) the base
of Pan playing pipes on a mask (Oswald 709b) used by Paternus who also
frequently uses the rhomboidal beads. In the next panel, above the fasces,
is part of a group, not enough to identify. Probably by Paternus of Lezoux.
Antonine (A.D. 140-150).”
Section III in an unsealed level on the cobble footings against the outer face
of the wall.
No. 34 and 35. “Indeterminate pieces of 37 with ovolo, probably Hadrian-
Antonine.”
No. 36. “37, with indications of a festoon, and with the diagonal rods of a
bead-row very characteristic of Paternus of Lezoux. Antonine, c. A.D.
140-150.”
No. 37. “Fragmentary figure of an animal, probably a deer, to right, above
a pennate leaf in the field. Probably Lezoux ware of Hadrianic date c.
A.D. 120-130.”
No. 38. “37, with the thin footstand very usual in Trajanic bowls, panels
formed by a fine bead-row in larger beads. Rings in the field; and apparently
the stalk of a leaf rising out of an astragalus. Probably Lezoux of Trajanic
date. c. A.D. 115-120.”
40
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
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THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 41
THE EXCAVATIONS OF 1937.
By K. A. Steer and Mrs. A. M. H. Chitty.
The main objective of the excavations of 1937 was to test
the commonly accepted uniformity of the stone defences of the
town, in the light of the evidence as to construction and date
recovered by Mr. Myres at the north-west angle. To this end, it
was decided to cut further rampart sections at a point on the
perimeter as far removed as possible from the excavations of
1934-5. The site chosen was the south-east angle which survives
in the form of a bold, curving mound in the corner of a pasture
field (O.S. 102) between cottage gardens (fig. 15). There is no
record of any previous examination of the angle itself, but a
stretch of the east wall, said to have been 16 feet thick, was
exposed a short distance to the north of the angle in the middle
of last century.1 As the dimensions of the mound suggested the
presence of both an internal angle-tower, complementary to the
south-west angle-tower uncovered by Andrew Lawson, and an
external bastion, the first section, 60 feet in length and 6 feet
wide, was designed to intersect both these features.
Section I (figs. 15 and 16; pi. Ia).
The Wall
The town wall was encountered at a depth of 5 feet below
the surface. It was 8 feet 11 inches thick at the base, and con-
sisted of a core of red sandstone rubble set in white mortar of
extreme hardness and faced with red sandstone ashlar. Only two
courses of the outer face and five courses of the inner face were
preserved. The stones used for the outer face were neatly dressed
and coursed, but the inner facings were only roughly trimmed and
no particular care was taken to avoid straight joints. No reused
material was employed. A thick coating of mortar droppings on
the upper surface of the top internal course indicated that the
wall had been reduced at this height to a thickness of 8 feet:
this reduction was subsequently confirmed immediately to the
south of the angle-tower where the wall was still standing to a
height of eight courses.
The alluvial sand on which the northern defences are founded
is absent in the southern part of the town, and here the rock,
masked by a thin and variable covering of gravel, lies close to
the surface. Elaborate foundations were therefore unnecessary,
and the footings were in effect no more than a levelling course of
clay and small cobbles 1 foot 6 inches deep. In spite of minor
differences due to the employment of different working parties,
the wall at this point is basically similar in construction to the
stretches of the town wall previously uncovered at the north-east
and north-west angles, and to the fragments of the west wall
exposed by Mr. Andrew Lawson and still visible in the grounds
1 ES., 23, and pi. iii.
Plate IIa.
S.E. angle-tower from the west.
Plate IIb.
S.E. angle-tower : interior view.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 43
of Aldborough Manor. There can thus be no doubt that the
entire circuit of the stone defences is of uniform design and date.
The Angle-Tower (fig. 17; pi. II).
As we had anticipated, Section I intersected an internal
angle-tower which measured 17 feet by 16 feet 6 inches along the
axes within walls 4 feet 6 inches thick. Its side walls, like those
of the east angle-tower and a neighbouring interval-tower at
York,1 were not parallel but converged slightly from front to
back. The whole of the interior of the tower was cleared to the
original ground level, and the north-west and south-west outer
faces were completely uncovered. Although the north-east wall
had been robbed down to the foundations for a distance of 5 feet
inwards from the town wall, the rest of the structure was sur-
prisingly well-preserved, standing from 5 feet to 8 feet 6 inches
in height.
The tower was designed and built as an integral part of the
stone defences. Its clay and cobble footings were identical with
those of the town wall, and its south-west wall was keyed into
the main wall, the junction being sealed at one point by a layer
of mortar droppings which had lodged on the lower internal off-
set course of the town wall during the erection of the superstructure.
Further evidence of uniformity was provided by the rampart-
bank which contracted on either side of the tower to the exact
length of the side walls, leaving the back wall standing free. The
tower walls were faced throughout with red sandstone blocks of
various sizes but generally smaller than those employed in the
town wall. The bulk of the stones were only roughly trimmed,
and mortar was lavishly used to compensate for irregularities in
the coursing: no distinction was made in these respects between
the exposed masonry of the back wall and the masonry concealed
by the rampart-bank.
Not only had the tower no entrance at ground level, but it
was packed with sand to a height of at least 8 feet — and pre-
sumably to the height of the parapet-walk. Although formal
proof that the filling was contemporary with the tower could not
be obtained, this would seem to be a reasonable assumption since
the sand rested directly on the masons’ debris overlying the
Roman turf: had it been a later insertion, one would have ex-
pected to find some trace of an original basement floor as at
York.2 The purpose of this filling is obscure, unless it was simply
to avoid having a timber floor in the upper storey. Miller sug-
gested that the east angle-tower at York, which was converted
from a hollow to a solid structure at some time after the Antonine
period, served as the platform for a ballistarium, and that the
need for consolidation may have arisen as a result of the intro-
duction of heavier artillery.3 It is difficult to believe, however,
1 Journal of Roman Studies, xviii, fig. 20.
2 Ibid., 67.
3 Ibid., 68-78.
44
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
LIMIT
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EXCAVATION
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fc*(€ in Jttct >' t I ( > t
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NTERVAL-TOWER IOO FEET WEST OF MUSEUM
Fig. 17. Tower Plans.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 45
that the Aldborough tower, with its loose sand filling and free-
standing back wall, would be sufficiently strong or resilient to
support a ballist avium: the permanent gun-mountings at High
Rochester, for example, were composed of rubble set in stiff clay,
and were carefully sited to avoid the wall-towers.1 It is true that
the back wall of the Aldborough tower had been subjected to
considerable stress which had caused it to break away from the
side wall at the west corner (pi. IIa), but in the absence of any
compensatory buttressing this would inevitably result from the
combined pressure of the rampart-bank and the sand filling.
The filling contained a fair amount of pottery and several
other objects, the most notable of which were an intaglio and an
elegant bronze pin (fig. 26, nos. 9 and 14). No coins were found.
The sherds were an unhomogeneous collection, useful only for
establishing a terminus post quern for the construction of the
defences: they included the plain Samian forms 18/31, 27, and 33
(the latter stamped LVP. . .); five fragments of the decorated
form 37, ranging from a single piece of Domitianic date to three
scraps of Lezoux ware of the Antonine period, and the coarse
vessels illustrated in fig. 24, nos. 3 — 8, none of which need be
later than the middle of the second century. In the masons'
debris, however, sealed by the filling, there were fragments of
two cooking-pots decorated with acute-angled lattice pattern.
One of these (fig. 24, no. 2), of a type in common use from the
middle of the second century to the early third century, was
represented by only a single piece of rim and upper wall, and as
it occurred at the top of the masons’ chippings it might have
percolated through from the sand filling. On the other hand,
the second pot (fig. 24, no. 1) was practically complete when
pieced together, and since the pieces were buried in the heart of
the chippings it must have been broken in situ during the erection
of the tower. It thus constitutes the most direct evidence so far
obtained for dating the defences as a whole. Unfortunately the
vessel is not closely datable. At one time it was considered to
be third century type, in view of its thin grey fabric, high collar,
and the absence of a wavy line round the neck; but Mr. J. P.
Gillam, who has made a special study of Roman coarse pottery
in the north of England, is inclined to date it to the second half
of the second century A.D.
One further feature of the tower calls for notice. At some
time after its completion, a temporary dwelling, in the form of a
lean-to shed, had been built against the exposed back wall near
the west corner. The evidence for this consisted of a round-
topped niche, flanked on either side by a socket-hole, all of which
had been chiselled out of the finished masonry (pi. IVa). The
sockets, 6 feet 10 inches apart and 4 feet 6 inches above the
Roman ground level, presumably held the main side-struts of the
shed; while the niche, which was heavily coated with soot and
1 Northumberland County History, xv, 98,
46 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
measured 3 feet 2 inches high, 1 foot 9 inches broad at the base,
and 1 foot 6 inches deep, served as a hearth. A layer of occupation
refuse, primarily soot, extended from the base of the niche to the
original Roman surface, and was traceable from the centre of the
hearth eastwards for a distance of 10 feet along the face of the
tower. It contained scraps of Samian forms 18/31 (stamped
LVPVS.F retro), 33 and 37 (all Antonine); the coarse sherds
illustrated in fig. 24, nos. 9-20; a number of glass fragments
dating to the second or third centuries (infra, p. 75); one bronze
and two bone needles (fig. 26, nos. 1-3); and an infant skeleton.
The coarse pottery evidence, discussed by Mr. Gillam on pp. 66-7,
suggests that this slum-dwelling was most probably occupied in
the period 162-96 A.D., although an early third-century date
cannot be entirely ruled out. It is worth noting, however, that
the tower was apparently still in good order when the shed was
built: had it been in ruins one would have expected to find some
debris beneath the occupation floor of the shed, whereas, as
already explained, the occupation material rested directly on the
original surface at the base of the tower.
The Bastion (figs. 15 and 16; pi. Ia).
Like the two northern angles, the south-east angle was
subsequently strengthened by the addition of an external bastion.
Owing to the depth of the remains, it was only possible in the
time available to examine this structure in cross-section in the
main trench, and to locate the north-west junction of its footings
with those of the town wall, so that its precise shape is not known.
It seems probable, however, that it was semi-circular on plan,
with a width at the wall of about 60 feet and a maximum pro-
jection of some 30 feet. In the lowest stage, the bastion, like the
angle-tower, was of solid construction, consisting of a gravel core
retained by a stone wall 12 feet thick. This wall, which was laid
on a foundation of large cobbles bound with clay, had been
entirely robbed in the section, but the gravel pack preserved the
imprint of the inner face, while it may be assumed that the outer
face would be set back about 1 foot from the edge of the footings
as at the north-east angle (supra, p. 7). In spite of the total
absence of masonry, the nature of the wall was clearly shown by
a thin layer of builders’ rubbish — comprising chippings of mill-
stone grit, limestone, and yellow sandstone mixed with daubs of
yellow mortar — which was intercalated between the gravel pack
and the rearward projection of the footings. These materials
were not, as far as we know, employed in the construction of the
original defences, except possibly at the gates, but they appear
to have been used for all the Aldborough bastions. The only
direct evidence for dating the south-east angle-bastion was a
cooking-pot rim of late third- or early fourth-century date (fig.
24, no. 21) found in the heart of the gravel pack.
Search below the bastion footings failed to reveal any traces
of a ditch contemporary with the town wall. But this negative
Plate IIIa. Plate 111b.
Section II, 1937 : wall rebuild. Sleeper trench in main section, 1938.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 47
evidence is not conclusive, since the excavation for the bastion
footings would have completely eradicated a ditch less than 5 feet
in depth.
Section II (figs. 15 and 18; pi. IIIa).
This section was cut through the town wall 50 feet north ol
the south-east angle, and the outer face of the wall was sub-
sequently traced southwards to establish the point of junction
with the bastion footings. In the section, the wall was 9 feet
6 inches wide at the base, including an internal off-set course,
and was faced on either side with the usual red sandstone ashlar
set in white mortar. Three to four courses of the outer face and
five courses of the inner face survived, and the outer edge of the
clay and cobble footings was revetted by an irregular kerbing of
untrimmed sandstone blocks. The rampart-bank, standing here
to a height of 6 feet, showed two distinct tip layers of which the
lower, composed mainly of the brash that locally overlies the
solid rock, is most easily explained as upcast from an external
ditch accompanying the town wall. Apart from the Samian
forms 18/31 and 37 (respectively Domitianic and Antonine) and
indeterminate chips of coarse grey ware, the sherds found in the
bank all came from a sweeping in the upper tip layer. They
included Samian forms 18/31, 33 and 37 (all Antonine), and a
carinated bowl with a reed rim and a buff flagon (both late first-
or early second-century). An as of Nerva was also found in the
bank.
The main feature of this section can only be appreciated in
conjunction with the evidence from the cross-trench which ex-
posed the outer face of the town wall for a length of 28 feet
(pi. 1b). Here for the first time we encountered proof that the
wall had been at some time systematically destroyed and later
rebuilt. The thoroughness of the destruction may be gauged from
the fact that, at the point where the section and cross-trench
intersected, a breach 8 feet wide had entirely removed both wall
and footings, while elsewhere rebuilding had started from the
third or fourth courses. As the photograph shows, this rebuilding
was executed in a rough and ready fashion as though hurriedly
and by unskilled hands. The breach was filled to the level of the
surviving masonry on either side by one to two courses of sand-
stone blocks laid on inadequately prepared footings which had
subsequently settled. Above this, the face of the new wall was
set back from 12 to 20 inches, the two lower courses being off-set
in one place and flush in another. The masonry consisted princi-
pally of sandstone ashlar from the debris of the original wall, but
five large, reused blocks of millstone grit were significantly in-
corporated. The treatment of the back of the wall was even more
drastic. As the section shows, no attempt was made to restore
the inner face: instead, the bank was cut back to allow the
insertion of a new core. This core, composed of alternate layers
of red sandstone rubble and poor quality mortar run in in a liquid
50
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
THE EXCAVATIONS OF 1938.
By K. A. Steer and Mrs. A. M. H. Chitty.
In the previous three seasons our time had been fully
occupied with problems relating to the town wall and its towers
and bastions, and it had not been possible to obtain a complete
section of the rampart-bank or to establish beyond doubt the
existence of a wall-ditch. To remedy this, a fourth season, in the
summer of 1938, was devoted to a long section across the northern
defences, 90 yards west of the north-east angle, while some ex-
ploratory trenching was carried out on the site of the north
gateway located by Mr. Barber in 1924.
Section I (figs. 19 and 20).
The Wall and Rampart-bank.
The wall was found precisely on the line between the two
northern angles at a depth of 6 feet below the present surface. It
measured 8 feet 2 inches thick above an external off-set course,
and, as elsewhere, consisted of a rubble core bound with hard
white mortar and faced on both sides with red sandstone ashlar.
Not more than three courses of the outer face and five courses of
the inner face remained in situ, the stones used for the outer face
being large and neatly dressed, while those of the inner face were
smaller and only roughly coursed. As the natural subsoil in this
part of the town is alluvial sand, the wall footings were sunk to a
depth of 7 feet and projected 2 feet 6 inches on either side of the
wall: they consisted of river cobbles set in stiff blue clay and
carefully graded so that the smaller cobbles were uppermost. The
footings did not occupy the entire width of the foundation-trench
that had been dug for them, and the spaces on either side were
packed with dirty sand. A plated denarius which was found
embedded in the footings at the back of the wall was unfortunately
too corroded to be identified with certainty.1
The rampart-bank was clearly contemporary with the wall
since it abutted against the surviving stonework and actually
retained the impression of an internal off-set between the sixth
and seventh courses. Composed of sand in which the tip-layers
were readily distinguishable, it measured 21 feet in width at the
base and was standing to a height of 6 feet: the pitch of the
slope indicates that it was originally at least 3 feet higher at the
wall face. A considerable number of sherds found in the bank
included Samian forms 18 (one stamped MONTfCI]), 18/31 (one
stamped A[V]STRTM), 27, 33, 37 (figs. 22-3, nos. 5-9 and 12), and
79, together with the two coarse sherds illustrated in fig. 25,
nos. 43-4, and chips of rustic ware, a flagon, a rough-cast beaker,
a fumed platter and a painted bowl in imitation of Samian form
37 from the same pottery that produced fig. 25, 35. Dr. Oswald
dates the earliest Samian pieces to circa 60-70 A.D., and the
1 For a discussion of this coin, see p. 60 no. 4.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 51
52 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
latest to circa 140-150 A.D., while the coarse sherds all conform
to these limits. As in Section III, 1935, the bank was capped by
a thick layer of rubbish which extended into the town beyond the
end of the trench. From this deposit came a bronze pendant
decorated with an open-work triskele (fig. 26, no. 13), scraps of
Samian forms 18/31, 27, 33 (one stamped CINT-[VGENI]), 37 and
38; and the coarse sherds illustrated in fig. 25, nos. 50-9. On
the evidence of the coarse pottery, dumping of this rubbish
appears to have begun in the period 162-96 A.D. and to have
continued into the third century. No fourth-century material was
found in it at this point.
Pre-Wall Occupation (fig. 20).
Both the rampart-bank and the southern extension of the
rubbish-tip rested on the levelled occupation-debris of a timber-
framed building denoted by a U-shaped sleeper-trench, 2 feet
2 inches wide and 1 foot 4 inches deep, dug in the natural sand
and running slightly obliquely to the section: its northern end
had been destroyed by the foundation-trench for the wall footings.
The walls of the building had been of wattle-and-daub and had
been coated with painted plaster. On the east side of the sleeper-
trench there was no sign of a floor, but the subsoil was stained
by two dirty streaks lying roughly parallel to the sleeper-trench
and varying from 1 to 7 inches in depth (pi. IIIb). These streaks
contained no trace of decayed wood or other intrusive material,
and cannot therefore be interpreted as slots for timbers. A
possible explanation, suggested by Professor Richmond on the
analogy of the runnels which he observed at Fendoch,1 is that
they were formed by rain water dripping from the roof of the
building represented by the sleeper-trench, and from the roof of
an adjacent building situated just beyond the east wall of the
section. Evidence that the buildings of this phase extended to
the north of the line taken by the stone defences was furnished
by the discovery, on the berm, of another sleeper-trench running
at right-angles to the section. Here the occupation-layer had been
skinned off during the construction of the wall and ditch, but a
little pottery survived in the filling of the trench itself. The main
sleeper-trench and the debris immediately overlying it produced
a fair amount of pottery, both Samian and coarse wares, together
with much miscellaneous refuse including daub, painted wall-
plaster, burnt wood, oyster-shells and bones. Owing to the dis-
turbance caused by the wall builders, no stratification was visible.
The Samian sherds, four of which are illustrated in fig. 22, nos.
1-4, comprised forms 18, 25, 27, 29, 37, 38 and Curie 11. The
earliest pieces, seven in number, are dated by Dr. Oswald “not
later than 70 A.D.; possibly 65-70 A.D.”, while of the remainder,
nine are Flavian, three Domitianic and four Hadrianic. The
latest (fig. 22, no. 4) is a fragment of a bowl by Ianus of Rhein-
1 Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, lxxiii, 122.
A LDBOROUG H
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 53
zabern dated circa 125-30 A.D. The coarse sherds (fig. 25, nos.
22-42 and 45-9) cover a similar range and include nothing
necessarily later than the middle of the second century. It is
possible, therefore, that these buildings may have been erected
during or shortly after the conquest of Brigantia by Petilius
Cerialis in the years 71-4 A.D., and that they continued in use
at least until 130 A.D. The absence of any sign of a turf-line
between the debris of the buildings and the base of the rampart-
bank suggests that they did not fall gradually into decay, but
that they were demolished while in good order to make way for
the stone defences.
The Ditches (fig. 20).
Contemporary with the town wall, and separated from it by
a berm 13 feet 6 inches wide, there was a V-shaped, flat-bottomed
ditch about 17 feet wide and 5 feet deep. The sandy clay upcast
had been spread out over the ground immediately to the north
of it, sealing a second ditch, only 8 feet 6 inches wide and 3 feet
deep, and a pit, both of which presumably belong to the pre-wall
occupation of the area. Two tip-layers could be distinguished in
the upcast, but few sherds were found in either layer: the lower
one contained a piece of Samian form 37 attributable to Attianus
of Lezoux and dated circa 120-5 A.D., and a chip of rustic ware;
while the upper layer, which was probably the product of a later
cleaning of the ditch, yielded two pieces of Samian form 37, one
of which (fig. 22, no. 10) dates to circa 120-30 A.D., and the
other, in the style of Cinnamus, to circa 140-50 A.D., together
with a few scraps of second-century coarse vessels. The filling of
the wall-ditch was likewise uninformative, containing only a scrap
of Samian form 37 (Trajanic), and the rim of a rough-cast beaker
of Antonine type; but on top of the filling, and completely sealing
the ditch, there was a layer of red sandstone rubble, including
broken pieces of dressed stones, eloquent of a large-scale repair of
the wall at a time when the ditch itself had gone out of use. A
thick bank of rubbish, which directly overlay this debris and
extended northwards for a distance of 34 feet beyond it, con-
tained a great number of coarse sherds — hammer-headed mortaria,
a folded Rhenish beaker, two fragments of painted face-urns, a
Crambeck bowl, cooking-pots with strongly everted rims and
obtuse-angled lattice decoration, and rimless platters decorated
externally with burnished intersecting arcs — all of which are
typical of deposits dating to the early and middle years of the
fourth century on Hadrian’s Wall, and at the fort of Lanchester
in County Durham.1 It seems probable, therefore, that the repair
of the wall in this sector dates to the first half of the fourth century,
and was part of a general overhaul of the defences which included
the abandonment of the original town-ditch, now no doubt
rendered obsolete by the addition of bastions to the curtain-wall.
1 Trans. Architectural and Archaeological Society of Durham and
Northumberland, ix, 112-22.
54
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
ALDBOROUGH
EXCAVATIONS
A T
THE
NORTH
GATE
19 3 8
°?o-
"1
I
OS
45
OS
55
ELAN
C EOGE or ROAD IX
FOUND 1024
Road
not EXCAVATED
BELOW ROAO IX
fourth cent
URY)
1
APPROXIMATE PORTION
of blocking wall
FOUND IN 1024
T/-7/7 r? r7rr/~r,
/ / '/////' ' ' '/ ,
s // / / ////////,
/ sue or town wall '
S'////// /// / //
FOOTINGS
7' J'
MEASUREMENTS REPRESENT DEPTHS OF TOPS OF LAYERS
BELOW THE PRESENT SURFACE
LATE FOURTH-CENTURY LATER
MASONS CHIPS
EARLY FOURTH-CENTURY LAYER
024 TRENCH J
' COIN OP SEVEPUS j
ALEXANDER ROAO IX
v ? vr i "i4* u* r-"‘v»
COIN OF
ANTONI
PIU
UNEXCAVATEO “
unexcayatcd
ROAD IX
> VIII
UNEXCAVATEO
SCALE
IO
fit T
20
2S
10
Fig. 21
Plate IVa.
Back of S.E. angle-tower, shewing hearth.
Plate IVb.
Tank base at north gate.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 55
A third ditch found at the extreme northern end of the section,
but which could not be fully excavated owing to flooding, yielded
no datable material. It is likely, however, that it was dug to
replace the original wall-ditch, since the fourth-century rubbish-
layer did not extend across it but terminated abruptly on its
south lip.
The North Gate (fig. 21).
In order to examine the relationship between the town wall
and the remains found by Mr. Barber on the site of the north
gate in 1924 ( supra p. 6), a trench was dug parallel to the field
hedge separating O.S. 45 and 46 (Site G, section A-B). This
trench narrowly missed the two millstone-grit blocks interpreted
by Mr. Barber as part of the foundations of the west pier, but
they were picked up in a short cross-trench (section C-D), while
the inner face of the town wall was located on Site E (fig. 19)
and its line followed on Site F as far as the eastern edge of the
latest road surface. From this limited excavation it is not possible
to deduce the character of the original gateway, and in view of
the thoroughness with which the masonry has been robbed on
Sites F and G it is doubtful whether its plan can now be recovered
except by stripping the whole area to the tops of the footings —
an undertaking which would involve the removal of at least 7
feet of topsoil. Valuable stratified material bearing on the date
of erection and subsequent history of the defences was, however,
obtained from Site G, and may be summarised as follows.
In a pit sunk at the south end of section A-B the subsoil
was nearly 11 feet below the present ground level.1 Over it there
were nine layers of road metalling, numbered I to IX from bottom
to top on fig. 21, with a total thickness of 5 feet. Layers I-V
were composed of rammed gravel, of which IV and V certainly
represent road surfaces since each was covered by a thin film of
mud containing a few indeterminate chips of pottery. Layers
I-III, on the other hand, were quite clean, and may therefore
have been nothing more than the bottoming of IV. The greater
part of the section was taken down to the level of VI which was
8 inches deep and formed of cobbles mixed with gravel. This
surface was undoubtedly coeval with the stone defences since it
was flush with the top of the massive footings on which the
millstone-grit blocks rested. A fortuitous piece of evidence pointing
to the same conclusion was furnished by the base of a water-tank
found at the south end of the section (pi. IVb). It measured 8
feet 9 inches by 6 feet, and was rebated within a 6-inch margin
to receive side slabs 10 inches in thickness. As in the case of
the Lincoln fountain,2 the rebate had a central groove, semi-
circular in section and 3 inches wide, which was doubtless keyed
1 The exceptional depth of the subsoil at this point is due to the fact
that the road-builders delved down through the alluvial sand in order to
base the road on the underlying boulder clay.
2 Journal of Roman Studies, xlvi, 34.
56 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
by mortar to a similar but opposed groove in the base of each
side slab. Considerable wear was visible on the margin of the
tank, particularly in the centre of the north side. The existence
of a tank at this point can only be explained on the assumption
that it was related to the stone defences, and it is evident that
similar tanks were provided at the other gates. For two corner-
slabs bearing identical rebates and grooves and found on the site
of the west gate are preserved at the Manor, while another similar
corner-slab, presumably taken from the east gate, is lying in the
grounds of Aldborough Hall.
In view of the contemporaneity of the town wall and road
VI, special importance attaches to the dating material found on
the surface of the road. This consisted of a dupondius or as of
Hadrian (p. 57, no. 1) dated 134-8 A.D., which was in fresh
condition when lost; a fragment of a ring-necked jug of Hadrianic
or Antonine date; and the following Samian sherds: form 33
with the Trajan-Antonine stamp MAMMI, a large part of a form
37 by Cinnamus of Lezoux dated circa 130-40 A.D. (fig. 22, no.
11), and the base of a vase, perhaps a late form 67 from Rheinza-
bern, dated circa 140-50 A.D. It can be concluded therefore that
the stone defences were not erected before about the middle of
the second century.
All that can be said about the plan of the gate in the initial
phase is that it does not seem to have projected internally, like
those at Lincoln and Silchester, since the south-east corner of the
footings exposed in section A-B is in line with the back of the
town wall further east. On Site F the superstructure had been
completely robbed, and although a change in the depth of the
footings, occurring 6 feet from the eastern edges of roads VIII
and IX, may mark the junction between the wall and the gateway,
this point requires confirmation. Further excavation is also
needed to establish the western limit of the footings on Site F,
beneath roads VIII and IX, and to relate another set of footings,
whose north-west corner was found 25 feet east of the water-tank,
to the general plan.
Road VII was 8 inches thick at the south end of section
A-B, but merged with the surface of road VI midway along the
sides of the tank. Although no dating material was found on it,
it clearly represents nothing more than a local repair, effected
while the tank was still in use. An entirely new phase is, however,
indicated by road VIII which was 30 feet wide and consisted of
rammed cobbles and gravel up to 19 inches in thickness: the
western edge of this road terminated against the upper edges of
the millstone-grit blocks, and, as already explained, the eastern
edge of the road overlapped the footings on Site F. Before the
road was laid, the sides of the water-tank were dismantled and its
base incorporated in the new metalling. A trench cut across the
road in 1924, in line with the millstone blocks, had disclosed that
the metalling of both roads VIII and IX was interrupted, roughly
in the centre, by a pit measuring 4-8 feet in width and at least
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 57
Fig. 22.
Samian Ware, 1938 ($).
58 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
10 feet in length. It is possible that this pit represents the robbing
of the foundations of a central pier, in which case the gateway
contemporary with roads VIII and IX will have had double
carriageways each about 12 feet wide. But this is merely specu-
lation. Embedded in the metalling of road VIII there was a
slightly worn dupondius of Antoninus Pius (p. 60, no. 2) dated
154-5 A.D., and lying on the surface of the road there was a
denarius of Severus Alexander (222-35 A.D.) in mint condition
(p. 60, no. 3). Thus, although the evidence falls short of proof,
it is reasonable to associate this drastic remodelling of the gate,
and the construction of a new road, with a repair of the defences
following the invasion of the Maeatae in 197 A.D., when the walls
of the legionary fortress at York were systematically overthrown.
Road IX, whose unbroken surface of cobbles bound by a
wash of lime mortar indicated that it was the last on the site,
was simply a remetalling of road VIII — the only difference being
that its western edge oversailed the millstone blocks by a few
inches. A rough blocking wall, contemporary with this road, and
extending from its eastern edge to the presumed central pier, was
found in 1924. Between the two millstone-grit blocks and the
southern end of section A-B, the road was covered by two
occupation-layers separated by a narrow band of masons’ chip-
pings. The sherds from the lower-layer1 were all typical of deposits
of the period 296-367 A.D., while those from the upper layer2
belong to the last quarter of the fourth century. Road IX and
the blocking-wall can therefore be ascribed to the overhaul of the
defences which is known to have taken place in the early fourth
century, while the masons’ chippings point to a final restoration
following the barbarian invasion of 367 A.D.
THE COINS.
Only one coin was found during the 1937 excavations. It
was an as of Nerva, and came from the rampart bank in section II.
The 1938 excavations were rather more productive, yielding
sixteen coins, details of which are given below. Two of the coins
(nos. 4 and 6) were identified by H. Mattingly, F.S.A., and the
remainder by the late W. V. Wade, F.S.A.
1. North Gate. Surface of road VI.
Hadrian (117-38 A.D.). Dupondius or as.
Obv. hadr[ianvs] avg cos hi pp Bust bare r.
Rev. S C Minerva.
M & S 827 134-8 A.D.
1 A cooking-pot as fig. 24, no. 21; a folded beaker as at Lanchester,
op. cit., no. 9; a rimless platter decorated with burnished intersecting arcs
as Lanchester, nos. 25-6; and scraps of Castor- type ware.
2 E.g. Five Huntcliff-type cooking-pots, and a platter and a flanged
bowl from the Crambeck kilns.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 59
CM
Fig. 23. Samian Ware, 1938 (£).
60 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
2. North Gate. In the metalling of road VIII.
Antoninus Pius (138-61 A.D.). Dupondius.
Obv. antonin[vs avg p]ivs pp tr p x[viii] Head radiate r.
Rev. [Britannia co]s mi s c Britannia seated 1. on a rock,
head propped on r. hand, 1. hand on rock; to 1., round
shield and vexillum.
M & S 930 154-5 A.D.
3. North Gate. Surface of road VIII.
Severus Alexander (222-35 A.D.). Denarius.
Obv. imp c m avr sev alexand avg Bust laureate and
draped r.
Rev. virtvs avg Virtus r.
Cohen 576 222-35 A.D.
4. Section I. In the footings of the town wall.
Uncertain. Plated denarius.
Obv. Female head r.
Rev a[vg] Female figure standing 1., holding
scales and cornucopiae.
As far as is known, the only empress employing the
reverse type of a female figure holding scales and cornu-
copiae is Julia Domna, wife of Septimius Severus, who uses
it with the legends aeqvitas avg and moneta avg. In view
of the illegibility of the obverse legend, the present coin
cannot, however, be definitely attributed to Julia Domna
for the following reasons: (a) almost every new hoard of
Roman coins contains varieties not listed in Cohen or M &
S; (b) there is always the possibility that the coin in question
was a hybrid, the obverse die of an empress being used with
the reverse die of an emperor (e.g. there is an aureus of
Faustina I with the reverse type Aequitas standing 1.,
holding scales and cornucopiae, and the legend cos mi).
5-13. Unstratified.
5. Julia, daughter of Titus (79-81 A.D.). Dupondius.
Obv. ivlia [imp t avg f avgvsta] Bust draped r.
Rev. Illegible.
cf. M & S 177-80 c. 80 A.D.
6. Antoninus Pius (138-61 A.D.). Dupondius.
Obv. [antoninvs avg p]ivs pp tr p xviii Head radiate r.
Rev. brit[annia cos iiii] s c Britannia seated 1.
M & S 930 154-5 A.D.
7. Gallienus (253-68 A.D.). Antoninianus.
Obv. [gallien]vs avg Head radiate r.
Rev. laeti[tia avg] Laetitia standing 1.
M & S 226 253-68 A.D. Rome.
8. Claudius II (268-70 A.D.). Antoninianus.
Obv. [imp (c) cla]vdivs av[g] Head radiate r.
Rev. Illegible.
268-70 A.D.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (aLDBOROUGH) 61
9. Claudius II (268-70 A.D.). Antoninianus.
Obv. divo [clavdio] Head radiate r.
Rev. Illegible.
c. 270 A.D.
10. Claudius II (268-70 A.D.). Antoninianus.
Obv. imp c clavdivs avg Bust radiate and cuirassed r.
Rev. [a]eqvitas [avg] Aequitas standing 1.
M & S 14 268-70 A.D.
11. Claudius II (268-70 A.D.). Antoninianus.
Obv. imp cla[vdivs avg] Bust radiate, draped and cuirassed
r.
Rev. virtvs avg Soldier to 1., leaning on shield and holding
spear.
M & S 111 268-70 A.D.
12. Tetricus I (270-3 A.D.). Antoninianus.
Obv. [imp tet]ricvs p f avg Bust radiate draped r.
Rev. pax [avgg] Pax standing 1.
M & S 106 270-3 A.D.
13. Tetricus I (270-3 A.D.). Antoninianus.
Obv. imp c t[etricvs p f avg] Bust radiate r.
Rev. [hilaritas (?)] a[vg] Hilaritas (?) standing 1.
cf. M & S 75/6 270-3 A.D.
14. Diocletian (284-305 A.D.). Antoninianus.
Obv. imp c c val diocletians p f avg Bust radiate,
draped and cuirassed r.
Rev. iovi conservat avg Jupiter standing 1.
cf. M & S 41 284-305 A.D. Lugdunum. The die-maker
has inadvertently left out the v of diocletianvs.
15. Constantius II (337-61 A.D.). Antoninianus.
Obv. co]nstantivs avg Bust diademed r.
Rev. [gloria exerc]itvs Two soldiers, helmeted, face to
face, leaning on shields and holding spears: between
them a standard.
cf. Cohen 93/103 337-61 A.D. Trier.
16. Valens (364-78 A.D.). Ae.
Obv. [d n valen]s p f avg Bust diademed and draped r.
Rev. secvritas [reipublicae] Victory walking 1.
Cohen 47 364-78 A.D. Lugdunum.
In addition to identifying the bulk of the coins found in
1937-8, Mr. Wade also kindly undertook, at my request, the
examination of over one thousand coins which are preserved
either in the local museum at Aldborough, or at Aldborough
Manor. The results of this formidable task, which occupied much
of Mr. Wade’s leisure time over a period of nine months, are
summarised in the following table.
62
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
AR
ANT
M 1
JE 2
Total
Republic
7
1
8
Augustus
1
1
Tiberius
1
1
Claudius
1
1
Nero
4
2
6
Galba
2
2
Vitellius
1
1
Vespasian
11
2
13
26
Titus
2
6
8
Domitian
4
1
15
20
Nerva
1
5
6
Trajan
6
17
14
37
Hadrian
12
7
10
29
Sabina
2
2
Aelius
1
1
Antoninus Pius
3
10
18
31
Faustina I
9
5
4
18
Marcus Aurelius
7
11
3
21
Faustina II
3
5
2
10
Lucius Verus
2
1
3
Lucilla
1
2
3
Commodus
5
4
9
Crispina
Faustina II or Lucilla or
1
1
Crispina
1
1
Septimius Severus
20
1
21
Julia Domna
5
5
Caracalla
11
11
Plautilla
1
1
Geta
9
9
Macrinus
2
2
Elagabalus
4
4
Julia Soaemias
1
1
Julia Maesa
5
5
Severus Alexander
12
1
1
14
Julia Mamaea
2
2
Maximinus I
2
2
Gordian III
1
4
2
7
Philip I
3
3
Trajan Decius ?
1
1
Trebonianus Gallus
2
2
Volusian
2
2
Valerian I
5
5
343
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 63
AR
ANT
M 2
M 3
Total
Mariniana
1
1
Gallienus
39
39
Salonina
3
3
Valerian II
1
1
Saloninus
1
1
Postnmus
26
26
Victorinus
37
37
Tetricus I
50
50
Tetricus II
36
36
Tetricus I or II
2
2
Claudius II
52
52
Quintillus
1
1
Aurelian
4
4
Tacitus
2
2
Probus
3
3
Maximianus Herculius
1
1
1
3
Carausius
61
61
Allectus
14
4
18
Maximinus Daia
1
1
Licinius I
6
6
Constantine I
1
54
55
Helena, wife of
Constantius I
9
9
Theodora, do
12
12
Constantinopolis
26
26
Urbs Roma
31
31
Populus Romanus
2
2
Crispus
12
12
Constantine II
38
38
Constantius II
36
36
Constans
35
35
House of Constantine
7
7
Magnentius
41
41
Decentius
8
8
Magnentius or Decentius
3
3
Constantius Gallus
3
3
Julian II
2
2
Valentinian I
26
26
Valens
33
33
Gratian
18
18
Valentinian II
3
3
Magnus Maximus
3
3
Theodosius I
4
4
Theodosius I?
1
1
1,098
64
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
JE 3
Total
House of Theodosius
3
3
Arcadius
7
7
Honorius
1
1
Barbarous JE 4
(Radiate and diademed)
47
47
Miscellaneous
Ancient British
(Dobunian) JE
1
Greek JE 19 mm
1
Greek Imperial JE
3rd cent. A.D.
1
Celtiberian-Tarraco JE
1
Numidia-Massinissa JE
1
Illegible, small JE
1
? Mediaeval counters JE
3
1,165
Fig. 24.— COARSE POTTERY, 1937.1
1-2. From the masons’ chippings underlying the filling of the
Angle- Tower.
1. Cooking-pot. Thin, hard, light-grey; acute-angled lattice
decoration. The rim is distorted and presents two different
sections on opposite sides of the vessel — one in which the
1 The following abbreviations and references are used: —
A A 3., A A 4.: Archaeologia Aeliana, third and fourth series.
CW2.: Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Anti-
quarian and Archaeological Society, new series.
SAL.: Reports of the Research Committee of the Society of
Antiquaries of London.
Appletree Turret: CW2., xiii. Balmuildy: S. N. Miller, The Roman
Fort at Balmuildy. Bewcastle: CW2., xxxviii. Birdoswald: CW2., xxx.
Birdoswald Turret: CW2., xiii. Birrens: Proceedings of the Society of
Antiquaries of Scotland, Ixxii. Brough 1936: P. Corder and T. Romans,
Excavations at the Roman Town at Brough, E. Yorkshire, 1936. Brough
1937: P. Corder and T. Romans, Excavations at the Roman Town at Brough-
Petuaria, 1937. Carzield: Transactions of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway
Natural History and Antiquarian Society, xxiv. Chapel House Milecastle:
AA 4., vii. Corbridge: AA 3., viii. Corbridge 1936-8: AA 4., xv. Denton
Hall Turret: AA 4., vii. Elmswell: P. Corder, Excavations at Elmswell,
East Yorkshire, 1938. Hengistbury Head: SAL., iii. Ilkley: Yorkshire
Archaeological Journal, xxviii. Langton: P. Corder and J. L. Kirk, A
Roman Villa at Langton, near Malton. Leicester: SAL., xv. Lydney:
SAL., ix. Malton: P. Corder, The Defences of the Roman Fort at Malton.
Mumrills: Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, lxiii. New-
stead: J. Curie, A Roman Frontier Post and its People. Old Kilpatrick:
S. N. Miller, The Roman Fort at Old Kilpatrick. Poltross Burn: CW2., xi.
Richborough I, II, III: SAL., vi, vii, x. Silchester: T. May, The Pottery
found at Silchester. Slack: Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, xxvi. South
Carlton: Antiquaries Journal, xxiv. Verulamium: SAL., xi. Verulamium
1938: Archaeologia, xc.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 65
Coarse Pottery, 1937 (£).
Fig. 24.
66
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
bead is rudimentary, and the other in which it is sharply
everted. Mr. J. P. Gillam reports: “It seems as though
the exaggerated bead is due to an accident before firing,
and that the section is that of the high-rimmed cooking-
pots of (it is generally believed) the third century. On the
other hand the deep zone and acute angles of the lattice
decoration are comparatively early features, while there
are second-century parallels for the rim shape, e.g. Balmuildy
pi. xlv, 13; Birrens, fig. 28, 6 and fig. 30, 3-4; and Cor-
bridge, 1947 (unpublished). I am inclined to date the type
150-200 A.D.”
2. Cooking-pot. Black, fumed; acute-angled lattice decoration.
Cf. Poltross Burn, pi. iii, 22 (latter half of second century);
Birdoswald, fig. 14, 18m (early third century). Circa
150 A.D. — early third century.
3-8. From the filling of the Angle-Tower.
3. Ring-necked jug with single, three-ribbed handle. Pink
surface, grey core. Cf. Slack, pi. xxiv, 113 (before 140 A.D.) ;
Balmuildy, pi. xliii, 4 (Antonine); Brough 1936, fig. 14,
115-7 (circa 140 A.D.); South Carlton, fig. 7, 20 (140-180
A.D.). Hadrian-Antonine.
4. Jug or flagon. Red surface, pink core.
5. As no. 3. Cream surface, dirty-white core. Hadrian-
Antonine.
6. Flat-rimmed platter. Black, fumed; acute-angled lattice
decoration. This type of platter was in common use by the
time of Hadrian (Slack, pi. xxiv, 66), and lasted sporadi-
cally into the Antonine period (Balmuildy, pi. xlvii, 3).
Hadrian-Antonine.
7. Carinated bowl. Hard, blue-grey; burnished externally.
Cf. Langton, fig. 7, 17 (Flavian).
8. Jar. Hard, grey.
9-20. From the occupation-floor of the hut built against the back
wall of the Angle-Tower.
9. Bead-rim platter with slight chamfer at the base. Gritty,
black; lattice decoration. The type appears early in the
second century at Corbridge (fig. 7, 43), and at Slack
(pi. xxiv, 73) before 140 A.D. It is common on Antonine
sites (Newstead, fig. 32, 7; Balmuildy, pi. xlvii, 15-16;
Corbridge, fig. 6, 83), but later occurrences are very rare.
Hadrian-Antonine.
10. Platter with down-turned rim and no chamfer. Gritty
black, smoothed externally. Cf. Corbridge 1936-8, fig. 8,
6 (162-196 A.D.); Old Kilpatrick, pi. xxii, 6 (Antonine);
Birdoswald, fig. 16, 78 (third century). Antonine-Severan.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 67
11. Platter with pointed down-turned rim, and slight chamfer
at the base. Dark-brown soapy fabric, lattice decoration.
Cf. Corbridge 1936-8, fig. 8, 17 (139-162 A.D.); Carzield,
fig. 2, 1 (Antonine); Newstead, fig. 32, 3 (Antonine);
Leicester, fig. 19, 19 (220 A.D.); Bewcastle, fig. 24, 31-2
(third century). Antonine-Severan.
12. As no. 9.
13. Bowl with chamfer at the base. Gritty, black. Cf. Bal-
muildy, pi. xlvii, 9 (Antonine); Carzield, fig. 2, 4 (Antonine);
Birdoswald, fig. 16, 65 and 70 (second century); Bewcastle,
fig. 24, 27 (third century); Chapel House Milecastle, pi. lii,
40 (third century). Antonine-Severan.
14. Mortarium. Light-brown fabric, whitish grit. Cf. Bal-
muildy, pi. xli, 11, 17, and 20 (Antonine); Carzield, fig. 2,
11 and 14 (Antonine); Old Kilpatrick, pi. xix, 17 (Antonine);
Corbridge 1936-8, fig. 8, 1 (162-196 A.D.); Birdoswald
Turret, pi. xvi, 1 (second century). Antonine.
15. Castor type beaker. Dull metallic slip, cream fracture.
“Castor ware" is rare in the north of England before
200 A.D. but Antonine examples are known (e.g. Corbridge
1936-8, fig. 7, 17). Late second-or third-century.
16. Beaker. Hard, light-grey; lattice decoration. No exact
parallels to this rim-profile have been found: the closest
analogies appear to be Birdoswald, fig. 15, 41 (second
century); Mumrills, fig. 96, 10 (Antonine); Ilkley, pi. xxxiv,
31 (assumed to be third century). Antonine— third century.
17. Bead-rim jar. Hard, light-grey. Cf. Balmuildy , pi. xlvi, 3
(Antonine); Leicester, fig. 25, 28 (200-250 A.D.). 150-250
A.D.
18. As no. 16.
19. Beaker. Black, fumed.
20. As no. 16.
Sherds nos. 9-20 have been submitted to Mr. J. P.
Gillam who reports as follows: “The ‘flavour’ of the group
strikes me as circa 160-200 A.D., but I do not think that
anyone could take it as established beyond doubt. Nos.
16-20 I am frankly incapable of dealing with. Nos. 9 and
11-13 are evidently later than circa 140 A.D. when these
chamfered bowls and platters appear, replacing the Hadri-
anic types; while no. 10, with its down-turned rim, clearly
belongs to the period after the chamfer has once more
disappeared. The upper limit therefore depends on when
this disappearance took place. All the platters and bowls
from the Antonine II levels at Corbridge in 1947 had a
slight chamfer, and I know of only two examples without
a chamfer which come from northern deposits of 140-200
A.D., i.e. Corbridge 1936-8, fig. 8, 6 (162-196 A.D.), and
68 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Old Kilpatrick, pi. xxii, 6 (Antonine). Third-century
examples with a chamfer are rare, but cf. Malton, fig. 6,
28; Chapel House Milecastle, pi. lii, 40; Birdoswald, fig. 16,
73; Bewcastle, fig. 24, 31. For practical purposes we may
take it that the chamfer went out about 200 A.D., with
the proviso that one or two examples without chamfer
seem to have been made before that date, and that a
number of survivals are to be expected in the third century.
On this basis the group as a whole, with its ratio of four
chamfered to one unchamfered, ought to be Antonine II
(162-196 A.D.).”
21. From the filling of the Bastion.
Cooking-pot. Coarse black ware, fine white grit. Cf.
Brough 1936, fig. 15, 135-8 and 143-7 (late third- or early
fourth-century); Poltross Burn, pi. v, 16-17 (Constantian).
Late third- or early fourth-century.
Fig. 25.— COARSE POTTERY FROM SECTION I, 1938.
22-29. From the sleeper -trench beneath the rampart-bank.
22. Carinated bowl with reeded rim. Buff. Cf. Malton, fig. 15,
11 (Flavian); Corbridge, pi. xi, 6 (90-110 A.D.). Flavian-
Traj anic.
23. Bowl with double-moulded upright rim. Hard, pinkish-
brown, with decoration of roulette-notchings on the side.
Cf. Brough 1936, fig. 12, 65 (50-110 A.D.); Wroxeter /,
fig. 17, 7 (80-120 A.D.). Flavian-Trajanic.
24. Rustic ware jar. Hard, dark-grey. A common Flavian
type which survives sporadically well into the time of
Hadrian. The high quality of this vessel, and the vigorous
decoration, suggest a first-century date.
25. As no. 24.
26. Hand-made beaker. Fine grey clay with very little grit.
Mr. W. J. Varley has kindly examined this sherd, and
writes: “Its general affinities — the globular profile,
everted lip, and internal bevelling of the rim — are what I
should describe as 'provincial Iron Age B\ The parent
stock, as it were, may ultimately be the bead-rim ware of
Wessex, but this sherd is much more provincial and
primitive. Closer parallels to form and rim are found at
Frilford in Berkshire (Oxoniensia, 1939, fig. 7); Cassington
in Oxfordshire (material in the Ashmolean); Solsbury in
the Cotswolds ( Bristol Univ. Spel. Soc. Proc., 1935, p.
183 ff); Cholesbury in Buckinghamshire ( J.B.A.A. , xxxix,
p. 210); and Lydney Park in Gloucestershire ( Lydney ,
fig. 24). The nearer to Wessex, the better the ware —
which even in Oxfordshire is burnished — but the form and
rim seem to point to this kind of ancestry”.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 69
Fig. 25.
Coarse Pottery, 1938 (£).
70
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
27. Jar. Hard, grey.
28. Narrow-mouthed jar, probably a carinated bowl. Hard,
blue-grey; decorated externally with burnished horizontal
bands. Carinated bowls in this fabric are fairly common
in the Flavian period. For the decoration cf. Silchester,
pi. lxxii, 173.
29. A larger version of no. 28. The complete vessel may have
resembled Richborough III, pi. xxxvi, 259 (probably first
century) .
30-31. From the sleeper-trench on the berm.
30. Narrow-mouthed jar. Hard, grey, unpolished. Decorated
externally with horizontal rilling. The decoration occurs
on pre-Roman pottery at Hengistbury Head (pi. xxvi, 9),
and on first-century Roman pottery at Richborough [I,
pi. xxiv, 52; II, pi. xxxiv, 214). No close parallels have
been found for the shape.
31. Mortarium stamped CRACILIS.F. Dirty-yellow fabric,
white and grey grit extending over the flange. A common
first-century type, e.g. Malton, fig. 16, 7; Newstead, fig-
34, 1. The same stamp occurs at Richborough (I, p. 87),
and London ( Guildhall Museum Catalogue, p. 102, 617).
32-42 and 45-49. From the occupation-layer underneath the rampart-
bank.
32. Cooking-pot. Black, fumed; acute-angled lattice decoration
and wavy line on the outer side of the neck. This type of
cooking-pot is occasionally found before the time of
Hadrian in the north of Britain, and commonly on Hadri-
anic sites. The wavy line on the neck lasts throughout the
Antonine period ( Balmuildy , p. 86) and into the third
century ( Corbridge 1936-8, fig. 7, 14) but on vessels of
different rim-section from the present example. Trajan-
Hadrian.
33. Mortarium. Pinkish-buff core, cream slip; sparse grey grit.
34. Ring-neck jug. Buff core, cream slip. Cf. fig. 24, 3.
Hadrian- Antonine .
35. Bowl in imitation of Samian form 38. Smooth orange-red
surface, decorated both inside and out with thin and
irregular brush-strokes in red ochre. This type of ware,
tentatively dated circa 72 — circa 110 A.D., has so far been
found only in Yorkshire and is not common there. Cf.
Ant.J., xiii, p. 165; Brough 1937, fig. 15, 25; Elmswell,
fig. 10, 42-7.
36. Ring-neck jug or flagon. Buff surface, brick-red core.
Cf. fig. 24, 3. Hadrian- Antonine.
37. Bowl or lid. Hard, blue-grey surface, light-grey core;
burnished horizontal bands externally on the rim and
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 71
internally on the side. No published parallels have been
traced, but Mr. J. P. Gillam informs me that there is an
unpublished and undated example in York Museum.
38. Beaker. Hard grey, unsmoothed. Cf. Brough 1936, fig. 10,
12 (50-110 A.D.).
39. As no. 24.
40. Carinated bowl with grooved lip. Hard yellowish-brown,
smoothed. A similar vessel, in grey ware, from Appletree
Turret (pi. xvii, 63) is thought to be Hadrianic (A A., 4th
series, vii, p. 173).
41. As no. 24.
42. Jar. Brick-red, unsmoothed.
45. Mortarium stamped VIATOR. Pinkish-buff slip, grey core.
For this potter, whose work is tentatively dated 70-120
A.D., cf. A A., 4th series, xxvi, p. 192.
46. Flat-rimmed platter. Black, fumed; lattice decoration.
Cf. fig. 24, 6. Hadrian-Antonine.
47. Dish. Polished black surface, light-grey core. Cf. Brough
1936, fig. 14, 107 (before 110 A.D.); Slack, pi. xxiv, 107-8
(before 140 A.D.).
48. Rim of ? amphora. Reddish-brown surface, grey core. Cf.
Verulamium 1938, fig. 13, 15 (Nero).
49. As no. 48.
43-44. From the rampart-bank.
43. Jar. Sandy, coarse ware. Cf. Slack, pi. xxiii, 49 (before
140 A.D.).
44. Jar. Hard, grey.
50-59. From the rubbish-tip overlying the rampart-bank.
50. Platter or bowl. Black, fumed; lattice decoration. Cf.
Corbridge 1936-8, fig. 8, 3 (162-196 A.D.).
51. Mortarium. Hard reddish-brown glaze, grey core, fine
black grit. An imported vessel, probably made in Raetia.
The type occurs in the second Antonine period at Corbridge,
and on the Wall in the third century. Cf. A A., 4th series,
xxvi, p. 194 and fig. 3. A close parallel to the present rim-
section is found at Pfiinz ( ORL Pfiinz, pi. vii, 6).
52. Bowl. Black, fumed; decorated with an undulating line in
place of the normal lattice pattern. Cf. Corbridge 1936-8,
fig. 8, 4 (162-196 A.D.).
53. Beaker. Hard light-grey, unsmoothed. Not closely dat-
able, but for the general shape cf. Corbridge 1936-8, fig. 8,
7 (162-196 A.D.); and Birdoswald, fig. 15, 37 (third century).
As fig. 24, 9. Hadrian-Antonine.
54.
72 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
55. Platter or bowl. Black, fumed; lattice decoration. Cf.
Corbridge 1936-8, fig. 8, 3 (162-196 A.D.); Birdoswald , fig.
16, 78 (third century).
56. Platter with roll-rim. Black, fumed; decorated with
burnished oblique lines. The type appears before 140 A.D.
at Slack (pi. xxiv) and is common on the Antonine Wall
(e.g. Balmuildy , pi. xlvii, 10-13). On Hadrian’s Wall it
predominates in the third century (e.g. Birdoswald, fig. 16,
79-80; Chapel House Milecastle, pi. lii, 40).
57. As no. 56.
58. Cooking-pot. Hard, grey. Cf. Bewcastle, fig. 21, 4 (second
century); High House Milecastle, pi. xviii, 120 (third
century).
59. Cooking-pot. Black, fumed; lattice decoration. The vessel
is typologically third century; the rim leans well out, and
the lattice is right-angled. Cf. Denton Hall Turret, pi. li, 14;
Corbridge 1936-8, fig. 7, 15; Poltross Burn, pi. iv, 28 (all
third century).
Figs. 22 and 23.— SAMIAN POTTERY, 1938.
Report by the late Dr. Felix Oswald, F.S.A.
1-4. Section I. From the occupation-layer underneath the rampart-
bank.
1. Form 37. Low rim with ovolo and three-pronged tongue
typical of MERCATOR of La Graufesenque and Banassac.
Domitianic, 80-90 A.D.
2. Form 37. Lower part showing S-godroons. South Gaulish
and Vespasianic, 70-80 A.D.
3. Form 37, good glaze and sharp impression. Bear to right (a
variant of 0.1590) in a festoon, as on a form 37 of IANVARIS
from London (Guildhall Museum) with the same ovolo. The
same ovolo also on a form 37 stamped IANVARISO from
Lezoux (Oswald collection). IANVARIS of Lezoux, circa
120-125 A.D.
4. Form 37. Panther to left (0.1561 drawn from imperfect
specimens), a Heiligenberg type on a form 37 in the style of
I AN VS ( Forrer , fig. 76). A rosette on a cable as so often on
IANVS bowls. To the right of the panther is still a remnant
of his stamp IANVF — the base of the I and A. By IANVS
of Heiligenberg, circa 125-130 A.D.
5-9. Section I. From the rampart-bank.
5. Form 37. Buff paste and orange glaze, with fine bead-row
below the ovolo. A Hercules (unknown type) with lion-head
and paws, probably by BIRRANTVS. Trajanic, circa
110-120 A.D.
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 73
6. Form 37. Buff paste and orange glaze. Pan to right (0.717);
vertical rings bounded by fine bead-rows in the style of
IOENALIS. Trajanic, circa 110-120 A.D.
7. Form 37 by ATTIANVS of Lezoux. Identifiable by the four
leaves on a crown and the tripartite pendant, which occur
together on a form 37 OF ATT retro from London (Guildhall
Museum); the pendant on a form 37 OF ATT retro from
Corbridge; and the four leaves on a crown on a form 37
ATTIANVS retro from Lezoux (Oswald-Plicque collection).
Circa 120-130 A.D.
8. Form 37, stamped ALBVCI. Cupid with torches (0.450) in
a panel; Cupid seated (0.440) in a festoon. His characteristic
bead-rows. Rather blurred impression. Lezoux ware, circa
120-130 A.D.
9. Form 37, good glaze. Ovolo blurred and insufficient to
identify, above a wavy line. Probably Flavian and South
Gaulish, circa 70-80 A.D.
10. Section I. From the sandy-clay layer between the first and
second ditches.
Form 37. Ovolo used by CENSORINVS of Lezoux above an
astragalus border characteristic of his work. Forepart of lion
to left (0.1426) in a festoon of chevron-leaves; vertical bead-
row forming panels; small warrior to left (0.215). CEN-
SORINVS of Lezoux, circa 120-130 A.D.
11. Site G. On the surface of road III at the south end of the tank.
Form 37 by CINNAMVS of Lezoux. Ovolo of CINNAMVS.
Large scroll enclosing a medallion with vine-leaf. In the
upper concavity of the scroll two stalked leaves are given off
from the scroll, one heart-shaped, the other a vine-leaf,
exactly as on the form 37 stamped CINNAMI retro from
Newstead (p. 225, 7), and on a form 37 with the same stamp
from London (London Museum). Rings also as so often on
his bowls. Circa 130-140 A.D.
12. {Fig. 23). Section 1. From the ramfiart-bank.
Form 37. The large rosette in the medallion {Ludowici, v,
p. 100, 79) is only used by IANVS at Rheinzabern. His
ovolo ( Ludowici , v, p. 147, 92), pinnate-leaf ( Ludowici , v,
p. 106, 237), cable and rosettes on a vertical cable ( Ludowici ,
v, p. 103, 151), and his characteristic medallion {Ludowici,
v, p. 134, 116). IANVS of Rheinzabern, circa 130-140 A.D.
Fig. 26.— SMALL FINDS, 1937-8.
1-3. From the occupation- floor of the hut at the back of the Angle-
Tower, 1937.
1. Bronze needle.
2. Bone needle. Square-cut head, eye made by two intersecting
circular holes. Cf. Leicester, fig. 91, 5-6.
Fig. 26.
Small finds 1937-8.
■I INS
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 75
3. Bone needle. Long pointed head, round eye. Cf. Leicester,
fig. 91, 1.
4-8. Unstratified, 1938.
4. Bone pin. Head pointed with two grooves round it. Cf.
Leicester, fig. 90, 1.
5. Bone pin. Spherical head. Cf. Leicester, fig. 90, 8.
6. Bone pin. Flattened spherical head, shaft swelling in the
centre. Cf. Leicester, fig. 90, 7.
7. Bone pin. Bulbous pointed head decorated with vertical
grooves. Cf. Lydney, pi. xxxii, 173.
8. Bone pin. Spherical head with one ring beneath it. Cf.
Leicester, fig. 90, 10.
9. From the filling of the Angle-Tower , 1937.
Bronze pin. Ornamented on the head and the upper part of
the shaft with ring-mouldings and grooves.
10. From the rubbish overlying the rampart-bank, Section I 1938.
Bone spoon.
11. Unstratified, 1938.
Bronze terminal for a strap. For an account of these objects
cf. Richborough II, pi. xxi, 50.
12. From the occupation material beneath the rampart-bank,
Section I 1938.
Bronze ear-pick.
13. From the rubbish overlying the rampart-bank, Section I 1938.
Bronze pendant consisting of an open-work triskele which is
attached by three converging struts to a moulded collar
surmounted by a small suspension-ring. No exact parallel
has been traced, but similar open-work discs mostly decorated
with the triskele and mounted either directly on to the
suspension-ring or on to a long central shank have been
found in Berkshire (Leeds, Celtic Ornament, fig. 21c), at
Kingsholm in Gloucestershire (Douglas, Nenia Britannica,
pi. xxvii, 1), and in the native hill-forts at Seamill, Ayrshire
(Historical Collections of Ayr and Wigton, iii, p. 63, fig. 3),
Tre’r Ceiri (Archaeologia Cambrensis, 1904, p. 8, fig. 5), and
Hunsbury (Archaeological Journal, xciii, pi. vib). The two
from Hunsbury are each attached by the suspension-ring to
an open ring of the same diameter as the disc, while the
Berkshire example is similarly attached to one of two inter-
locked rings. The Kingsholm example, on the other hand,
is hooked on to a metal arm. Although the precise use of
these objects is unknown, it seems probable that they are
some form of horse-trapping. The sizes of the larger examples
precludes their interpretation as personal ornaments (the
Hunsbury discs are 3 inches in diameter, and the shanks 4J
inches long) and, since the triskele is invisible when suspended
at rest, they were obviously intended to be seen in motion.
76
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Fig. 27.
Section III 1935. Deposit in ditch under lateral bastion (lower level).
THE DEFENCES OF ISURIUM BRIGANTUM (ALDBOROUGH) 77
14. From the filling of the Angle-Tower, 1937.
Carnelian intaglio showing a cock drawing a chariot driven
by a hare. The same subject occurs on an intaglio in the
British Museum collection (Walters, Catalogue of the Engraved
Gems ... in the British Museum, no. 2427).
15. Found with a male skeleton outside the town wall, 1937.
Single-bladed tanged iron knife. A common type not suffi-
ciently distinctive for dating purposes. A similar example
from Aldborough is illustrated by Ecroyd Smith (pi. xxvi, 7),
and an identical specimen was found in an Anglian cemetery
at Howick, Northumberland (A A, 4th series, xvi, pi. xvi, 5).
GLASS, 1937.
By D. B. Harden, F.S.A.
From the occupation-floor of the hut built against the back wall of
the Angle-Tower.
1. Fragment of the side of a bluish-green bottle, chipped roughly
to disc -shape for use as a gaming-counter. I can quote no
parallels to this chipping of glass for gaming-counters, but I
have no doubt that it was a common practice. One frequently
finds fragments of glass vessels with an edge neatly chipped
off for re-use [cf. Harden, Roman Glass from Karanis, p. 85,
no. 176, pi. xii; Oxoniensia, i, p. 64, no. G.5 and fig. 12, 6
[not 5)].
2. Two fragments of a colourless cylindrical beaker with raised
horizontal thread. Type as Harden, Karanis, p. 144, no. 372,
pi. xiv. Second-third centuries A.D.
3. Two fragments of the rim of a bluish-green deep bowl. Type
as Harden, Karanis, p. 109, no. 242, pi. xiv (but rim folded
outwards not inwards). ? Second-third centuries A.D.
4. Fragment of the neck of a bluish-green unguentarium or bottle.
5. Five fragments of the base-ring of a deep bowl, colourless
glass, strain-cracked; pushed-in type of base. Cf. Harden,
Karanis, p. 109, no. 245, pi. xiv; Oxoniensia, i, p. 64, no. G.6
and fig. 12, 5 (not 6).
[Thanks are due to (i) Mr. H. Richardson of York who has
numbered and arranged many of the pottery drawings in this
paper. (ii) The Council for British Archaeology without whose
generous grant this paper could not have been published, (iii)
The Roman Antiquities Committee of the Yorkshire Archaeo-
logical Society which has assisted the publication of this paper
with a grant and by undertaking to shoulder the cost of some of
the blocks. Editor.]
78
YORKSHIRE FINAL CONCORDS
OF THE REIGN OF HENRY II
By Sir Charles Clay, C.B., F.B.A.
In volume xi (pp. 174-88) of this Journal, issued in 1891,
Mr. William Brown printed the texts, though without the names
of the justices, of twenty-eight final concords for Yorkshire levied
in the reign of Richard I from two bundles in the Public Record
Office. The two which are dated before 15 July 1195 are of
bipartite chirographs, and the remainder include documents which
came to be known as feet of fines. On that day a final concord
was drawn up, on which an endorsement was added on the
following day stating that it was the first chirograph in the king’s
court made in the form of three chirographs, of which one was to
remain in the treasury to serve as a record; and thereafter the
portion preserved in the treasury became known as the Toot’ of
the fine.1
Since 1891 printed material has become available to provide
some final concords for Yorkshire of the time of Richard I which
can be added to those given in Mr. Brown’s paper. These, which
can doubtless be augmented from other sources, include the
following :
27 Jan. 1190-1. Kg’s court at Northampton; toft in Hun-
manby, and rent from land in Folkingham, co. Lincoln
(. E.Y.C. , ii, no. 1194).
11 July 1192. Kg’s court at York; advowson of chapel of
Wold Newton (ibid., no. 1205).
21 Aug. 1192. Kg’s court at York; land in Ganton (Brid-
lington Chartulary , p. 137).
2 Oct. 1194. Kg’s court at York; land in Flamborough
(Rolls of the Justices, Yorks, Selden Soc. vol. lvi, nos. 149,
1130).
18 June 1195. York;2 land in Thorpe Underwood, Caldwell,
etc. (Fountains Chartulary , ii, 717).
In 1897 Mr. Brown edited the Yorkshire final concords for
the reign of John, from the feet of fines preserved in the Public
Record Office, for vol. 94 of the publications of the Surtees Society;
and in an appendix to his introduction a list of justices is given,
showing which of them were present at each of the four hundred
and eighty-two fines printed. Full abstracts of the Yorkshire feet
of fines for the period 1218 to 1300 have been printed in the
publications of the Yorkshire Record Series, vols. 62, 67, 82, 121;
1 Pollock and Maitland, Hist. Eng. Law, 2nd ed., ii, 97. The text of
the endorsement, given there, had been pd. in Feet of Fines, Henry TI and
Richard I, Pipe Roll Soc., O.S., xvii, 21.
2 Presumably in kg’s court, the justices being named.
YORKS. FINAL CONCORDS OF THE REIGN OF HENRY II 79
and shorter abstracts for the period 1327-77 in vols. 42 and 52.
Lists of the fines covering the period 1486-1603 were printed in
vols. 2, 5, 7 and 8. It is hoped that the gaps for the periods 1301-27
and 1378-1485 will be filled in the future.
No attempt, however, has been made to collect the York-
shire final concords for the reign of Henry II; and the twenty-one
calendared in the present paper will form a nucleus. Two (nos. 2
and 10) are originals, that is to say an original portion of the
bipartite chirograph; and the full texts of all are available except
of nos. 8, 9, 11 and 18.
With the exception of two all have the initial description of
finalis concordia. Of these no. 9 has the abbreviated description
of finis; and the printed text of no. 2, an original in poor condition,
gives finis et concordia. It can be deduced that the descriptive
finalis concordia, the invariable formula of later instruments, had
become usual in the reign of Henry II. Indeed, this can be seen
in several final concords of the period for other counties which
are available. Thus all the four printed from the Public Record
Office files by the Pipe Roll Society,1 and eight of the nine relating
to Bury St. Edmunds in the period 1175-88, printed by Professor
Douglas,2 have this description. So also have the three, dated
in 1175 and 1176, which Round printed in his paper3 ‘The First
Known Fine (1175)’; and, even more to the point, Mr. Salzman
printed the text of a finalis concordia in the king’s court before
the king himself at Northampton in 1163, and showed that the
general character of the final concord had been established by
that date.4
This general character can be seen in the formulas in the
final concord of 1188 printed here in the appendix. It is a finalis
concordia; the place of the king’s court with the date and the
names of the judges are given; then the parties to the agreement;
a reference to previous legal proceedings; the method and terms
of the agreement, in this instance by a quitclaim, introduced by
the words scilicet quod; and lastly a payment made by the party
receiving the quitclaim.
In this collection of twenty-one these features can generally
be observed, with differences due to varying circumstances.
Thirteen of them were made at York, three at Doncaster, four at
Westminster and one at Oxford. The names of the judges are
always given except in no. 11, which was made before the sheriff
1 Vol. xvii (1894).
2 Feudal Documents from the Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds, Brit. Academy,
nos. 224-32; the remaining one, no. 226, has the words ‘hie est finus factus
in curia domini regis’, which may be an abbreviation made by the trans-
criber.
3 Feudal England, pp. 509-18; the third, an original, Cotton Ch. xi,
73, has since been pd. with facsimile in Warner and Ellis, Charters in the
British Museum, no. 55.
4 E.H.R., xxv (1910), pp. 708-10; the text is from Curia Reg. Roll 72,
m. 10, pd. more recently in Curia Regis Rolls , x, 334, from Curia Reg. Roll
81, m. 11.
80 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
and county court. In no less than fourteen one of the parties was
a monastic body; in one the dean and chapter of York; in six
both the parties were lay folk. In almost all of them a reference
is made to prior proceedings; sometimes, in general terms, to a
plea or recognition in the king’s court or by the king’s writ; in
no. 16 a mort d’ancestor is specified; in nos. 17 and 18 a novel
disseisin; in no. 20 a writ of right; in no. 7, more precisely, ‘unde
predicti canonici posuerunt se in assisam de Windlesor’ utrum illi
an predictus Thomas majus jus in terram illam haberet’; and in
no. 8 ‘unde bellum fuit inter eos in comitatu Eboraci’. The clause
in no. 13 seems to suggest that the writ quare impedit in a dispute
for the presentation of a rector was in existence in 1186.1 The
circumstances leading to no. 5 are unusual. William son of Alan
de Percy was illegitimate. It is difficult to see how he could have
supported a claim to Gargrave — that is to say the Percy portion
of the vill — partly because of his illegitimacy, and partly because
whatever had been held in Gargrave by William de Percy, the
lord of the fee, who died in 1174-75, was included in the share of
Jocelin of Louvain, then husband of Agnes de Percy, one of
William de Percy’s two daughters and coheirs, in the partition
made in 11 75. 2 No reference is made in this final concord to
proceedings in the courts; and it is possible that it affords an
example of a fictitious suit leading thereto. In this connexion a
recent writer3 has stated that although it is clear “that the final
concord had its origin in real litigation .... examples of fictitious
litigation can ... be found among the very early fines.”
The terms of the settlement in fourteen of the twenty-one
took the form of a quitclaim. Pasture disputes were settled in
nos. 3 and 17; cases of obstruction in nos. 6 and 19; the arrange-
ments for the tenure of a rectory, in which a religious house had
an interest, in no. 10; and a dispute about land in no. 11, one
party enfeoffing the other in a moiety. In only seven is a payment
recorded by one of the parties. These payments vary between
15 marks, 20 marks, 10 marks and a horse priced 10s., 60s., half
a mark, and 10s.; in one the lay claimant to an advowson was
received into the benefits and prayers of a religious house.
None of these final concords have a list of witnesses. Indeed,
it appears that generally speaking the inclusion of witnesses
shows that the instrument cannot be classified as a final concord
in the strict sense of the term. An agreement made in the county
court at York in 1184 has several witnesses;4 it is described as a
concordia, and not a finalis concordia; and it has not been included
in the calendar given below. Similarly another made there in
1198, with witnesses,5 has the same description. Exceptionally, a
1 For so early a date for this writ, and earlier than the thirteenth
century, cf. Pollock and Maitland, Hist. Eng. Law, 2nd ed., ii, 139w.
2 Percy Chartulary , p. 463; Complete Peerage, new ed., x, pp. 442 et seq.
3 Mrs. M. S. Walker in her introduction to Feet of Fines, Lines., 1199-
1216 (Pipe Roll Soc., N.S., vol. xxix), p. xv.
4 E.Y.C., iii, no. 1779, from the Pontefract Chartulary.
5 Fountains Chartulary, i, 263; Add. MS. 40009, p. 186.
YORKS. FINAL CONCORDS OF THE REIGN OF HENRY II 81
finalis concordia made in the court of Adam de Brus in 1197,
though not of the stereotyped pattern of final concords made in
the king’s court, has a list of witnesses.1
In no. 10, one of the originals, the equestrian seal of Peter
son of Grent was attached to this part of the chirograph, which
presumably remained with the prior of Bolton; and in no. 19
there is a definite sealing clause, stating that the seals of the
parties were attached to either part of the chirograph. It is not
unlikely that the attachment of a seal was unusual, and certainly
so at a later date. In a case heard in England in 1212 between
two members of the Bohun family2 it was stated that they had
put their seals to either part of the chirograph, the text being
given of a finalis concordia made in the king’s court in Normandy
in 1199; and in the pleadings it was suggested that sealing was an
unusual feature of chirographs made in the king’s court. There
is no trace of a seal in the facsimile of the final concord of 1176,
Cotton Ch. xi, 73, to which reference has been made above. But
sealing had its authoritative uses. It is not unusual to find that
when final concords were made charters, presumably sealed, with
witnesses, were issued at the same time, giving the identical terms
of the agreement. Thus Adam de Boltby drew up a charter
recording the precise terms of a final concord made at Doncaster
before the king’s justices (no. 3); and this was read before them.3
Again, Warin Travers issued a charter to Easby abbey 4 when a
final concord had settled his dispute with the canons (no. 12);
and Philip de Eryholme one to St. Mary’s abbey5 before the same
justices who had presided at the final concord (no. 15). There
must have been some reason, perhaps of a cautionary nature, for
this duplication.
It will have been noticed that the procedure of the final
concord, having undoubtedly taken its origin in the king’s court,
was adopted by the county and baronial courts, though with
variations of pattern. Some examples, made in the county court
at York, have been given above; and, besides the finalis concordia
made in the court of Adam de Brus in 1197, there are records of
two made in the courts of Roger de Lascy, one in 1195-96 and the
other in 1201, the latter, but not the former, having the feature
of a list of witnesses.6 Local examples show that the stereotyped
character of the final concord made before the king’s justices,
dating back to the early years of Henry II, had not been adopted
in its entirety.7
1 Guisborough Chavtulary, i, no. 482.
2 Curia Regis Rolls, vi, 397-9.
3 E.Y.C., ix, no. 92. 4 Ibid., v, p. 74 n.
5 Ibid., no. 148.
6 Ibid., iii, nos. 1524, 1526.
7 My thanks are due to Lady Stenton for her help in some relevant
points, and for her kindness in giving me the reference to no. 18 and the
alternate reference to no. 8.
82
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
CALENDAR
1. 17 Sept. 1172. In the king’s court at Oxford; before Richard
de Lucy, Richard de Camville, Bertram de Verdon, Hugh
de Morwick, Richard Barre, Richard Breton, William Torel,
William son of Ralph, justices. Between Clement, abbot, and
the monks of St. Mary’s, York, and Robert son of Ralph de
Rudston, for the advowson of the church of Rudston, whereof
a recognition had been summoned between them by the king’s
writ. The latter recognized the former’s right to the advowson,
and quitclaimed it, being received into their benefits and
prayers.
Text pd. in Rolls of the Justices, Yorks. (Selden Soc. vol. lvi), no.
246, from Assize Roll 1040, m. 8d, and no. 1126, from Assize Roll
1041, m. 2, 1 recording an assize of darrein presentment brought by John
de Rudston against the abbot of St. Mary’s and others in the eyre of
1218-19; previously pd. in E.H.R., xxv, 709, from the latter text, and
in E.Y.C., i, no. 454, from the former.
The pleadings in the assize proceedings refer to the gift by William
Peverel to the abbey of 8 carucates of land in Rudston with the advowson
of the church, and the confirmation thereof by king Henry I, 2 and also to
an assize of darrein presentment leading to this final concord of 1172, and
then to another assize of darrein presentment brought by William father of
John de Rudston (the plaintiff in 1218-19), leading to another concord
before the same justices.
This final concord is cited in notes on the Rudston family in E.Y.C.,
vi, p. 140. Robert de Rudston held a knight’s fee in Rudston of Robert de
Gant, as of the Paynel fee, in 1 166, Ralph Paynel having held a second
manor of 8 carucates there in 1086 {ibid., pp. 139-40).
2. 24 Sept. 1176. At York, before Ranulf de Glanville and
Robert Pikenot, king’s justices, and Henry de Lascy, Robert
de Stuteville, William de Lancaster, Robert son of Ralph and
William de Stuteville and other barons of the king. Between
Duncan Darel, and Geoffrey de Brettanby ( Bertanebi ) and
Avice daughter of his uncle, for the land of Dicton’ [Deighton,
par. Escrick], whereof there was a plea between them by the
king’s writ. The latter quitclaimed the land to Duncan Darel
and his heirs, to hold it of the abbot of St. Mary’s York by
the service belonging thereto; and Duncan gave to them 15
marks.
Text pd. in Yorks. Deeds, ii, p. vi, from the original preserved at
Escrick manor in 1914.
Eudo the marshal, an under-tenant of the honour of Richmond, gave
his service and lordship in the vill of Deighton to St. Mary’s abbey; and abbot
Clement (1161-84) granted the vill to Duncan son of Thomas Darel for
20s. yearly rent (E.Y.C., v, no. 222 and note). Further details for the
connexion of Duncan Darel, who died in 1202-03, with Deighton are given
in ibid., no. 225 and note.
3. 8 Sept. 1178. At Doncaster, before Hugh Murdac, John
Cumin, John son of Lucas, Ranulf de Glanville, Bertram de
Verdon, William son of Aldelin, Michael Belet, William de
1 Concordia in the first text, and finalis concordia in the second.
2 These are the subject of charters pd. in E.Y.C., i, nos. 452-3.
YORKS. FINAL CONCORDS OF THE REIGN OF HENRY II 83
Bendinges and Robert Poher, king’s justices. Between the
monks of Rievaulx and Adam de Boltby for the pasture of
Boltby, Ravensthorpe and Thirlby, whereof there was a plea
between them. Adam confirmed to the monks all the land
given by his father in Boltby, and granted pasture in those
places for 400 sheep and other animals specified in detail,
with easements throughout his wood.
Text pd. in E.Y.C., ix, no. 91, from Rievaulx Chartulary, Cotton
MS. Julius D. i, f. 68v (old f. 64v); and previously in Rievaulx Chartulary,
no. 112, where the date xxxiiij Henry II (1188) is given in error.
Adam son of Odo de Boltby held a knight’s fee, consisting of 10
carucates in Boltby, Ravensthorpe and Thirlby, all in par. Felixkirk, and
Borrowby, par. Leake, of Robert de Stuteville in 1166 (E.Y.C., ix, p. 160,
where notes on the Boltby family are given).
4. 19 July 1182. In the king’s court at York, before Thomas son
of Bernard, Alan de Furnellis and Robert de Witefeld, king’s
justices, and other barons. Between Richard de Newby and
Agnes de Percy for half a carucate of land in Dalton [par.
Topcliffe], whereof a recognition had been summoned between
them in the king’s court. The former quitclaimed it to the
latter and her heirs for 12s. yearly rent from the farm payable
to her by the monks of Fountains for the grange of Marton
[le Moor, par. Kirby Hill]; warranty by both, and Richard
would do the forinsec service for the half carucate on the
basis of 12 carucates to a knight’s fee; the monks would pay
the 12s. direct to him and his heirs.
Text pd. in Percy Chartulary, no. 22; translation in Fountains
Chartulary, ii, 489, from B.M. Add. MS. 37770, p. 430.
William de Percy confirmed to Fountains abbey the site of the grange
of Marton and other land there at a yearly rent of 20s. to him and his heirs;
Agnes, his daughter and coheir, assigned 12s., of this to Richard de Newby,
retaining the balance of 8s. ( Fountains Chartulary, ii, 487-9).
5. 20 July 1182. In the king’s court at York, before the same.
Between Agnes de Percy and her nephew William son of Alan
de Percy; she gave him 100s. rent of land, being 6 bovates in
Beamsley, 7 bovates in Asenby [par. Topcliffe] and 4 bovates
in Litton [in Craven], with specified stock, in return for his
claim for Gargrave, doing the service to her and her heirs for
a third of a knight’s fee; the land was to revert to her if as
the result of an escheat yielding a rent of 10 li. or 12 li. she
provided him with a wife.
Text pd. in Percy Chartulary, no. 41.
Alan de Percy was the son of William de Percy and died v.p., his
sisters Maud and Agnes becoming their father’s coheirs. If William son
of Alan had been legitimate he would have inherited the whole of the Percy
fee ( Complete Peerage, new ed., x, 444 and note). The Percy portion of
Gargrave had been included in the share of Jocelin of Louvain, then
husband of Agnes, in 1175 ( Percy Chartulary, p. 463).
6. 20 July 1182. In the king's court at York, before the same.
Between the monks of Fountains and John son of Fulk in
respect of a dike which he had made before the gate of the
84
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
grange of Hammerton and of the land which he had ploughed
between the gate and the road, whereof a recognition had
been summoned between them in the king’s court. He levelled
the dike and restored the ploughed land to common pasture,
the road remaining of the same width as of old.
Text pd. in Fountains Chartulary, i, 342 n, from B.M. Add. MS.
40009, p. 473; and in E.Y.C., ii, no. 738, from Add. MS. 18276, f. 88y
where the date xviii Henry II (1172) is given in error.
Notes on John son of Fulk, the ancestor of the Hammerton family,
and his descendants are given in E.Y.C., ii, p. 81.
7. 16 Oct. 1182. In the king’s court at Westminster at the
Michaelmas exchequer, before Richard bishop of Winchester,
Geoffrey bishop of Ely, John bishop of Norwich, Ranulf de
Glanville, Richard the treasurer, Godfrey de Lucy, William
Mauduit, William Basset, Alan de Furnellis, Robert de Witefeld
and Rainald de Geddinges, king’s justices, and other lieges.
Between the canons of Bridlington and Thomas de Alost for
the vill of Speeton, whereof the canons had put themselves
on the assize of Windsor,1 whether they or he had the greater
right. Thomas quitclaimed the vill to them for a carucate of
land in Fraisthorpe, to hold of them for a yearly rent of 2s.
of silver; and they gave to him 20 marks of silver.
Text pd. in E.Y.C., ii, no. 1220, from Bridlington Chartulary,
B.M. Add. MS. 40008, f. 32; translation in Bridlington Chartulary, p. 41.
Gilbert de Gant gave 3 carucates in Speeton to Bridlington priory,
1147-56 ( E.Y.C. , ii, no. 1219); and Roger de Mowbray gave a carucate in
Fraisthorpe not later than 1153 ( Bridlington Chartulary, pp. 206, 435).
These were portions of the total D.B. assessments of 10 and 9 carucates
respectively ( V.C.H . Yorks., ii, 322). The Alost family, related to the
Constables of Halsham, acquired a substantial holding in Fraisthorpe, and
made several grants to Bridlington priory (E.Y.C. , ii, no. 808; Hatton Book
of Seals, no. 520 and note; Bridlington Chartulary, pp. 194-201, 206).
8. 19 Dec. 1183 — 18 Dec. 1184 (30 Henry II). At York, before
Godfrey de Lucy, Hugh Murdac, Hugh de Morwick, Roger
Arundel, Geoffrey de Neville, William le Vavasour and
Geoffrey Haget, king’s justices. Between Robert le Vavasour,
and Jordan le Breton and Walter his brother for 12 bovates
of land in Sutton [par. Kildwick] 'unde bellum fuit inter eos
in comitatu Eboraci’. 6 bovates remained to Robert in
demesne, and Jordan and his brother quitclaimed the other 6
bovates to Robert and his heirs.
Text (beginning abbreviated) 2 pd. in E.Y.C. vii, no. 109, from
MS. Dodsworth cxxviii, f. 163v.
1 This was the grand assize; and it is suggested that it was instituted
at a great council held at Windsor, probably that of April 1179 (A. L.
Poole, From Domesday Book to Magna Carta, p. 411).
2 Another text, not in itself complete, gives the beginning ‘Hec est
finalis concordia facta in curia domini regis apud Eboracum’ (College of
Arms, Glover's Collections A, f. 86v; a reference kindly supplied by Lady
Stenton) .
YORKS. FINAL CONCORDS OF THE REIGN OF HENRY II 85
Robert le Vavasour held this land in Sutton in the lifetime of his father
William, who held half a knight's fee of the honour of Skipton in 1166
{E.Y.C., vii, p. 166); cf. also no. 11 below. In 1202 Robert had a quitclaim
of a carucate in Sutton by a final concord after an assize of mort d 'ancestor
( Yorks . Fines, John, p. 26); and his right to half a carucate there was
recognized by a final concord in Jan. 1218-9 {ibid., 1218-31, p. 13).
9. 19 Dec. 1183 — 18 Dec. 1184 (30 Henry II). In the king's
court at Doncaster, before Godfrey de Lucy and others.
Between Robert de Lascy and Henry son of William the
almoner. The latter quitclaimed to the former and his heirs
4 bovates of land in Barwick [in Elmet] and 3 tofts in
Pontefract.
Text (abbreviated) pd. in E.Y.C., iii, no. 1519, from D. of Lane.
Miscel. portf. i, no. 36, m. 5.
William the almoner witnessed several charters of Robert de Lascy 's
father, Henry de Lascy, who died in 1177 ( E.Y.C. , iii, nos. 1496, 1500-4,
1507, 1772-3).
In the same D. of Lane, source there is a brief note of a fine levied in
the court of king Henry II, 28th year (1181-82) between Robert de Lascy
and Robert the chaplain, son of Wermund, for 2 bovates of land in Barwick;
the right of the former {ibid., no. 1518).
10. 10 Sept. 1184. In the king's court at York, before the same
justices as in no. 8 and other barons and lieges. Between the
prior and convent of Bolton and Peter son of Grent. The
former at the prayer of the latter and his friends granted the
church of Carleton [in Craven] to Alexander the clerk as
rector, Adam son of Alban holding the church of Alexander
as a perpetual vicarage, paying him 30s. 8<L yearly, and
Alexander paying to the prior and convent a yearly pension
of 4s.; should Alexander survive Adam he would hold the
whole church, paying to the canons a mark of silver yearly,
and after his death the church would be free from all claim of
Peter and his heirs; and should Adam survive Alexander the
prior and convent would receive another clerk as rector at the
request of Peter or his heirs.
Text pd. in E.Y.C. , vii, no. 176, with facsimile, plate xii, from the
original of one of the parts, B.M. Add. Ch. 20562, showing the word
cirographum cut through at the top, with the equestrian seal of Peter
son of Grent.
The vill of Carleton was a member of the Percy fee; and Peter son of
Grent was a joint holder of a knight’s fee of William de Percy in 1166. But
the church of Skipton with its chapel of Carleton was included in the gift
of William Meschin and Cecily de Rumilly for the foundation of Embsay
priory, which explains the interest of Bolton priory {E.Y.C., vii, p. 287).
11. 19 Dec. 1184 — 18 Dec. 1185 (31 Henry II). At York, before
Rainer then sheriff1 and all the county court. Between Robert
le Vavasour and William de Danebi for half a carucate of land
in Sutton [par. Kildwick]. The former gave to the latter 2
bovates of the half-carucate in fee and inheritance.
Text (abbreviated) pd. in E.Y.C., vii, no. 110, from MS. Dodsworth
cxxviii, f. 164, and lxviii, f. 11.
References to Robert le Vavasour’s tenure in Sutton are given at no. 8
above.
1 Rainer de Waxham, deputy-sheriff.
86
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
12. 6 May 1186. In the king’s court at Westminster, before
Ranulf de Glanville, king’s justiciar, Richard the treasurer,
Hubert Wales’ [recte Walter], mag. Robert de Inglesham,
Thomas de Huseburn’, Hugh de Morwick, William Rufus,
king’s steward, and Michael Belet, and other lieges. Between
the abbot and canons of Easby, by Edward the canon whom
they had put in their place to win or lose in the king’s court,
and Warin Travers for a carucate of land in Scales in Gilling,
which Warin had claimed against them and whereof there was
a plea between them in the king’s court. Warin quitclaimed
all his right and claim, receiving from them 10 marks of
silver and a horse priced 10s.
Text pd. in E.Y.C., v, p. 74, from Easby Chartulary, Egerton MS.
2827, f. 282.
The Travers family gave its name to Dalton Travers, one of the three
Daltons in Kirkby Ravensworth. Warin Travers, also known as Warin
son of Peter de Dalton, was evidently descended from Warin son of Hervey,
known as Warin Travers vetus, who was given waste land at Scales by Alan
earl of Richmond, 1136-45; and the land of Scales, formerly held by him,
described as Warin archarius, was given to Easby abbey by earl Conan,
1156-PI 162 ( E.Y.C. , iv, nos. 22, 39).
13. 17 May 1186. In the king’s court at Westminster, before
Geoffrey bishop of Ely, John bishop of Norwich, Ranulf de
Glanville, king’s justiciar, Richard, king’s treasurer, Jocelin
archdeacon of Chichester, Robert de Inglesham, Thomas de
Husseburne, Hugh Bardolf, Robert de Witefeld and Michael
Belet, and other lieges. Between the prior and canons of
Guisborough, and Roger de Rosel and Richard his brother
for the advowson of the church of Easington, which they
claimed as of Roger’s gift and whereof Roger and Richard
had been summoned in the king’s court to show why they
impeded them in presenting a rector. Roger recognized and
confirmed the gift of the church which he had previously
made, and Richard confirmed his brother’s gift, quitclaiming
all right and claim in the advowson.
Text pd. in Guisborough Chartulary, ii, no. 916A, from MS. Dods-
worth vii, f. 46; and E.Y.C. , ii, no. 895, from the same.
The Rosel family, of which an account is given in Guisborough Chartulary ,
ii, 17 6n, held a tenancy in Easington of the Brus family, who held of the
honour of Chester [E.Y.C., ii, p. 239). The original gift of the church of
Easington was made by Roger de Rosel with the consent of Adam his
brother and heir in the time of archbishop Roger, who died in 1181
[Guisborough Chartulary, ii, nos. 915-6; E.Y.C., ii, nos. 770-1). It is likely
that the difficulty arose when a vacancy in the church occurred after
Adam’s death, Richard the next heir putting forward a claim.
14. 8 July 1187. In the king’s court at York, before Godfrey de
Lucy, Hugh de Morwick, Jocelin archdeacon of Chichester
and William Vavasour, king’s justices. Between the abbot
and monks of Bardney and Simon de Rocheford for the
chapel of [Wold] Newton, whereof an assize had been sum-
moned in the king’s court. The latter quitclaimed all his
right therein.
YORKS. FINAL CONCORDS OF THE REIGN OF HENRY II 87
Text pd. in E.Y.C., ii, 1204, from Bardney Chartulary, Cotton MS.
Vespasian E. xx, f. 48v.
The Rochford family held a tenancy in Wold Newton of the Percy
family, who held of the Gant fee ( Feudal Aids, vi, 28). Bardney abbey
was refounded by Gilbert de Gant, whose son Walter de Gant, who died in
1139, included among his gifts to the abbey the church of Hunmanby and
several chapels, of which Newton was one {Mon. Ang., i, 630). William son
of Simon de Rochford made a similar quitclaim to Bardney in 1192 (E.Y.C.,
ii, nos. 1205-6).
15. 16 July 1187. In the king’s court at York, before Godfrey de
Lucy, Jocelin archdeacon of Chichester and William Vavasour,
king’s justices. Between the abbot and convent of St. Mary’s
York and Philip de Eryholme for the advowson of the chapel
of Eryholme. The latter quitclaimed all his right therein.
Noted from the text in Chartulary of St. Mary’s York (Dean and
Chapter), f. 260 (old f. 197) in E.Y.C., v, no. 148 n.
In the presence of the justices named above at York Philip de Eryholme
( Erghom ) issued a charter with witnesses, making a quitclaim of the advowson
to the abbey, after an inspection of the muniments ( E.Y.C. , v, no. 148).
He was doubtless a member of the local family which held Eryholme as
an under-tenancy, the service of the immediate tenancy of the honour of
Richmond being one knight and castle-guard [ibid., pp. 50, 52).
The chapel of Eryholme was included in the comprehensive confirmation
charter issued to the abbey by count Stephen, lord of the honour, 1125-35
{ibid., iv, no. 8).
16. 22 July 1187. In the king’s court [?] at York,1 before the
same and other barons and lieges. Between the abbot and
convent of Meaux, and Osbert son of Godfrey and Ralph de
Flinton for a carucate of land in Holm [Heigholme, par. Leven,
E.R.], formerly belonging to Alan de Scures, whereof a
recognition of mort d’ancestor had been summoned between
them. Osbert and Ralph quitclaimed all their right therein,
receiving 60s. of silver.
Text pd. in E.Y.C., iii, no. 1351, from MS. Dodsworth vii, f. 244v,
from the original formerly in St. Mary’s Tower.
Robert son of Alan de Scures gave to Meaux abbey a carucate of land,
namely all the holme between Leven and Burshill, where the grange called
Hayholme [Heigholme] was built, and the gift was confirmed by members
of his family (Chron. de. Melsa, i, 96). The confirmation of Maud his sister
is printed in E.Y.C., iii, no. 1350; and the land or grange was included in
pope Alexander Ill’s confirmations of 1172 and 1177 {ibid., nos. 1391-2).
The claim made by Osbert son of Godfrey and Ralph de Flinton {quo pacto
nescio) is mentioned in the Meaux Chronicle, where the recognition of
mort d’ancestor summoned by the king’s writ and the final concord itself
are recorded {Chron. de Melsa, i, 221). The genealogy of the Scures family
is given there (i, 97); cf. E.Y.C., iii, p. 64.
17. 17 Sept. 1187. In the king’s court at Doncaster, before the
same. Between the monks of Roche and Robert de Armthorpe
for common pasture held by them of him in Armthorpe,
whereof an assize of novel disseisin had been summoned
between them in the king’s court by the writ of Ranulf de
Glanville. Robert gave facilities and entered into arrange-
ments specified in great detail.
1 No place is mentioned, but the justices were at York six days earlier.
88
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Text pd. in E.Y.C., i, no. 499, from MS. Dodsworth viii, f. 300,
from the original in St. Mary’s Tower.
The grange of Armthorpe was given to Roche abbey by Thomas de
Armthorpe and was confirmed by pope Urban III in 1186 {Mon. Ang., v,
505). Robert was probably the younger son of Thomas de Armthorpe,
possessing an interest in Armthorpe which passed to his son, who made an
agreement with Thomas’s grandson and heir in 1202 ( Y.A.J. , xxix, pp.
70, 72, 89).
18. 3 Nov. 1187. In the king's court at Westminster, before
Geoffrey bishop of Ely, John bishop of Norwich, Ranulf de
Glanville, king’s justiciar, Hubert dean of York, Richard,
king’s treasurer, Godfrey de Lucy, and Hugh Bardolf, king’s
steward, and other lieges. Between the abbot of Byland and
the nuns of Arden, by Mfuriel] the prioress and brother S.
their warden, for land and wood in Arden, which the nuns
had claimed against the abbot, and whereof there had been
a recognition of novel disseisin. Apparently a specified
division of the land and wood was made between them.1
Text (damaged) in Byland Chartulary, Egerton MS. 2823, f. 31v.
This did not close the trouble between the two houses. In 1189, when
Muriel was still prioress, and further disputes of a more serious kind had
broken out, a settlement was made at the instance of the dean and chapter
of York and Jeremy archdeacon of Cleveland {Mon. Ang., iv, 285).
19. 12 April 1188. In the king’s court at York, before Hubert
dean of York, Laurence archdeacon of Bedford, mag. Robert
archdeacon of Gloucester, William son of Aldelin, mag. Roger
Arundel, John de Morwick, Geoffrey Haget, William Vavasour
and Erneis de Neville, king’s justices, and Reiner the sheriff
and other lieges of the king, with the licence previously given
by Ranulf de Glanville, chief justiciar of England. Between
Hubert the dean and chapter of St. Peter’s York and Walter
de Hornington concerning the controversy between Hamo the
precentor and Reginald Arundel, canon of Ulleskelf, and
Walter de Hornington, the latter having complained that
Reginald had obstructed a ditch to his damage, whereof there
was a plea in the king’s court. The precentor and Reginald
would make arrangements, specified in detail, including the
erection of a bridge. The seal of the chapter of York and that
of Walter were attached to either portion of the cirograph.
Text pd. in York Minster Fasti (Yorks. Rec. Ser.), i, no. 47, from
Cotton MS. Claudius B. iii, new f. 83v (b).
The interest of the precentor was due to the fact that the mill of
Ulleskelf belonged to the precentorship {E.Y.C., i, no. 156). Hornington,
par. Bolton Percy, is about a mile north of Ulleskelf. Reginald Arundel,
prebendary of Ulleskelf — as proved by this final concord — succeeded Hamo
as precentor in 1197-99 {Y.A.J., xxxv, 124). Reiner de Waxham was
deputy-sheriff to Ranulf de Glanville {E.Y.C., iv, no. 97 n).
20. 9 Oct. 1188. In the king’s court at York, before Hugh bishop
of Durham, William de Stuteville, William son of Aldelin,
Roger Arundel, Peter de Ros, Geoffrey Haget and William
1 The last portion of the entry is mostly obliterated.
YORKS. FINAL CONCORDS OF THE REIGN OF HENRY II 89
Vavasour, king’s justices, and other barons and lieges of the
king. Between the abbot and convent of Fountains, and
Bernard and Mary his wife for half a carucate of land in
Caldwell by Marton [le Moor, par. Kirby Hill], whereof a
plea had been summoned between them by the king’s writ of
right. They quitclaimed all their right therein, receiving half
a mark of silver.
Text pd. infra; translation in Fountains Chartulavy, ii, 490, from
B.M. Add. MS. 37770, p. 433.
At the Domesday survey there were 4 carucates in Caldwell (which
has now disappeared), soke of the manor of Cundall, held by the count of
Mortain ( V.C.H . Yorks., ii, 230). William Haget gave to Fountains abbey
Caldwell and its appurtenances, namely 5 carucates of land, 1158-86; and
his gift was confirmed by Bertram Haget, his brother, and by Roger de
Mowbray ( Fountains Chartulary, ii, 486). The grange of Marton cum
Caldwell was included in king Richard I’s confirmation in 1189 (Mem.
Fountains , ii, 9). No clue seems to be available for the identification of
Bernard and his wife.
21. 1 Feb. 1188-9. In the king's court at York, before the same.1
Between the prior of Guisborough, and Amice and her three
sisters, daughters of Alvered de Hutton, for 2 bovates and 3
tofts in Hutton [Lowcross, par. Guisborough], whereof a plea
had been summoned between them by a writ of recognition.
They quitclaimed their right therein, receiving 10s.
Text pd. in Guisborough Chartulary, i, no. 326, from Guisborough
Chartulary, Cotton MS. Cleopatra D. ii, f. 179v.
Hutton Lowcross was a member of the Brus fee. Robert son of Robert
son of Alvered confirmed the gift made to Guisborough priory by Emma
de Hutton, his grandmother, of 2 bovates and 2 tofts in Hutton immediately
after entering into his inheritance, 1170-85; he was also known as Robert
son of Robert son of Alvered de Skelton (E.Y.C., ii, nos. 697-8). It can be
presumed that Amice and her sisters were his aunts.
Appendix
Text of No. 20 (B.M. Add. MS. 37770, p. 433).
Hec est finalis concordia facta in curia domini regis apud
Ebor[acum] die sancti Dionisii anno regni regis H. secundi xxxiiij
coram H. Dunelm[ensi] episcopo et Willelmo de Stuteuill’ et
Willelmo filio Aldelini et Rogero Arund[el] et Petro de Ros et
Gaufrido Haggh[et] et Willelmo Vauas[or’] tunc justicfiis] domini
regis et aliis baronibus et fidelibus domini regis qui tunc ibi
aderant inter abbatem et conventum de Fontibus et Bernard[um]
et Mariam uxorem ejus de dimidia carucjata] terre in Caldewell'
juxta Marton’ unde placitum summonitum fu[it] inter eos per
breve domini regis de recto, scilicet quod predicti Bernard[us] et
Maria quietamclamaverunt de se et heredibus suis predictis abbati
et conventui prefatam dimidiam carruc[atam] terre cum omnibus
pertinenciis suis et totum jus et clamium quod in ilia clamaverunt;
pro hac vero quietaclamacione dederunt predicti abbas et conventus
predictis Bernardo et Marie dimidiam marcam argenti.
1 Mag. Roger Arundel so described.
90
ROMANO-BRITISH DISCOVERIES AT
CRAYKE, N.R. YORKS.
(i) SITES AT WOODHOUSE FARM, CRAYKE
By R. H. Hayes.
The sites are S.W. of Crayke Hill near Woodhouse Farm (150
ft. O.D.) 6" map CXXI S.E.; Grid Refs, (sites 1-3 of fig. 1) 553 695
(site 4) 551 697; on both sides of Daffy Lane. Crayke is one of
the few surviving Celtic place names.1 The name of the field where
sites 1-3 are situated is “Toad Close”. To the south is a field
called “The Hums” traditionally associated with charcoal burners.
Mr. Nelson, who was farming Woodhouse in 1956, ploughed
up large quantities of stone in Toad Close, especially in the
southern half where he estimated he removed 50 tons. Elsewhere
the field was fertile soil practically stoneless. He noted two
beehive-type querns associated with potsherds. The finds were
reported to Mrs. N. Knowles of Broad Dyke, Crayke, who examined
the site, and found other rough-cut querns, also more potsherds.
With Mr. S. V. Morris, and help from Mr. Nelson, she dug some
trial trenches over the area around site 1 . This revealed extensive
patches of rough paving, or cobbles, at a depth of 12" to 15".
The trenches were not extended the full length of the stone work,
but roofing slabs and flue tiles imply rectangular buildings of the
usual Romano-British type, even the probability of a nearby
villa. On the other hand it is very likely the sites are native
dwelling floors similar to those excavated at Elmswell in 1936-38, 2
or those found on the outskirts of the Roman Town of Norton,
near Malton.3
Pottery was not plentiful; more might be found if further
excavations took place. The ware seemed mainly 4th century
A.D. products, though some earlier sherds with affinities to the
later Iron age, turned up. (Nos. 1, 2; Fig. 2). Some medieval
sherds of the 13-14th century A.D. were also noted. Mr. Nelson
pointed out where several suspicious looking mounds and uneven
patches that had stones beneath, could be seen in the adjoining
field to the west. Later in 1958 a drainage trench in the field
north of Daffy Lane (site 4) produced a small group of 12-14
sherds of a similar date to the rest. The numerous querns found
in the district denote considerable activity or settlements, es-
pecially on fertile land near streams similar to that flowing through
Toad Close. N.W. of Crayke Hill, near Mount Pleasant Farm, a
large plain body sherd of calcite-gritted ware was dug up at a
1 Smith. “Place Names, N.R. Yorks.” 1928, pp. xv, 27; Elgee “Early
Man” Fig. 64, p. 213.
2 Excavations at Elmswell, E. Yorks. Philip Corder, M.A., F.S.A.,
1938.
3 See discussion on these sites in “Transactions of Scarborough Archae-
ological Society” 1958. Vol. I, No. 1, p. 26-36.
ROMANO-BKITISH DISCOVERIES AT CRAYKE, N.R. YORKS. 91
Fig. 1
o
L
• (nice
i
J
92
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
depth of 2 ft. by R. Trenholme, digging a hole for an electric
pylon in 1957. He also found a broken flint leaf-head of Neolithic
type. Fig. 3. No. 26. A polished stone axe was found recently
in a field west of the above site by a boy of Bulmer Easingwold.
(Information from Mrs. Knowles, 1959).
Mrs. Knowles found a fine little tanged and barbed flint
arrowhead on a mole hill in the field known as “The Hums”.
Fig. 3. No. 25.
On the line of a footpath running north from Crayke Castle
she dug a trial trench into a ridged trackway, which had a single
layer of cobbles 5" down, on a band of clay; this in turn, rested
on cobbles 16" deep. There appeared to be a line of kerb stones
level with the upper layer of cobbles on the east side. A hedge
obliterated the west kerb. Another trial hole on this ridge pro-
duced 3 or 4 sherds, one undoubtedly medieval, the second, a
scrap of orange-red ware similar to fig. 2, No. 16, and thirdly, a
piece of calcite-gritted ware of 4th century or earlier. Another
site east of Broad Dyke, south of Crayke Hill, produced more
gritted ware and hard grey ware.
There is no doubt the district is rich in occupation sites
from the Pre-Roman to medieval times. More sites will be dis-
covered and examined in the near future (see notes on querns).
It would prove a fruitful area for anyone with time and energy
to work over it for a period.
The Finds.
(a) Pottery (Fig. 2)
1. & 2. Rims of situla type jars or cookpots, hand-made calcite-gritted
ware, with calx-spar in grit. Brown black sooty exterior, pink interior,
very worn. Iron age survival (Site 4). Cf. : Crossgates (Scarborough
and Dist. Arch Society Research Rep. No. 1) Type 4; or Langton
(early site), Fig. 7; Nos. 20-23. Roman Malton and Dist. Rep. No. 4.
3-8. Cook-pot rims and body sherds, probably all late 4th century A.D.,
3-4, 5 & 7, all signal station type 26. Calcite-gritted ware, some pitted.
Nos. 6 & 8 without internal groove. No. 8, hard-black fumed ware.
Several other sherds of this fabric. A common type on late 4th century
sites, and could have survived into Saxon times. Made in large
quantities on all local Roman and native sites, as well as the kilns at
Knapton, E. Yorks. (All from sites 1-3, apart from No. 3 from site 4).
9. Rim of bowl or dish in sandy orange-red ware (large).
10. Reconstruction from five worn fragments of hemispherical flanged
bowl in sandy red ware; in type like crambeck 5, but not in Crambeck
fabric, probably local manufacture? Similar to Cold Cam kiln red
ware. 1 Many imitations of this type found on late 4th century pave-
ments at Norton — Malton. 2
1 Cold Cam, Hambleton Hills. Native Romano-British site with plots -
or crude fields. Pottery Kiln in Cockerdale Wood destroyed by bulldozer.
Sherds in Scarborough Museum, salvaged by J. W. Moore, 1953. Excavations
by the writer and others, produced no evidence of dwelling or other kilns,
but a storage pit (or silo) was found containing broken quern stones, pottery
and burnt material. Another group of 6 or 7 small walled plots £ mile west
of the kiln site.
2 Eastfield Norton, Unpublished Report. R. H. Hayes and J. H.
Ingram.
ROMANO-BRITISH DISCOVERIES AT CRAYKE, N.R. YORKS. 93
t
Fig. 2. Scale = £.
Pottery from Sites 1-4, Woodhouse Farm, Crayke.
94
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
11-13. Rims of flanged dishes similar to Crambeck type I. No. 1 1 in course
grey ware; 12 Smooth grey. 13 ditto., common-late 3rd; throughout
4th century, and later.
14. Rim of mortarium, coarse red ware, ironstove grit, probably 3rd
century A.D. A product of the Cold Cam kiln?
15. Handle of jug in sandy-orange ware (2nd-3rd century A.D.). Another
in pink to grey ware found site 3. Cf. Carleon, Jenkin’s Field, 1926,
Rep., Fig. 30; No. 47.
16. Small globular jar in hard sandy red ware, grey core, 5 pieces fit.
Ware like Cold Cam 3rd or 4th century, but this example could be
much earlier.
17-19. Rims and base of straight-sided dishes. 17 hard sandy grey with
deeply incised lines, like Norton Kiln type 1. 3rd century A.D. 18
very hard stoney ware, paralleled by sherd from Blossom Street, York.
Excavations 1954. 19 Sandy grey. Site 4.
(b) Stone, Flint and Tile (Fig. 3)
21-22. Several small pieces as well as the two shown all from flue tiles.
No. 14 has faintly scored lines; 15 deeply incised. These imply a
hypocaust in the vicinity but as at Norton they could be re-used in
a later ‘Native’ site from the ruins of an earlier building. Some pieces
of “tegula” or roofing tiles, and several pieces of very weathered
sandstone roofing slabs; one with nail hole, were found. These were
of much softer stone than the usual material.
STOKtL FDKlT «X,TU_E ^ ROMHo-B'RmsH -Imeluno site cra-yke.
Fig. 3. Scale = £.
23. Heart-shaped piece of smoothed sandstone. Pendant or charm? or
could be used as a skin scraper.
24. Core of grey brown flint, utilized for flaking. Worked flints and cores
occurred at Eastfield, Norton, Sleights, Topstone, Elmswell and many
other ‘Native’ Romano-British sites.
ROMANO-BRITISH DISCOVERIES AT CRAYKE, N.R. YORKS. 95
25. Tanged and barbed flint arrowhead, well flaked, white patina due
to fire. Found on mole-hill in ‘The Hums’, a field south of Toad
Close, by Mrs. Knowles, 1956. Bronze-age type.
26. Broken leaf-head in finely pressure-flaked brown flint. Neolithic to
Early Bronze Age.
Found by R. Trenholme of Hutton-le-Hole on surface of field at Mount
Pleasant Farm, N.W. of Crayke Castle.
20. Fragment of fluted glass, pale green tinge with air bubbles in fabric.
Cf. British Museum guide to Roman Britain 1951. Pts. XI & XII.
Other pieces of glass found in field were all modern.
(c) Beehive Rotary Querns. Crayke and Stillington (Fig. 4)
As mentioned above in the account of Romano-British paved floors at
Woodhouse farm, 4 querns were found. (Nos. 1, 2, 3 & 3a). Mr. Nelson
keeps them in his buildings. It is due to his kindness I was able to re-
examine them and make drawings. No doubt there were many more
fragments of querns in the stones carted from the field. Mrs. N. Knowles
has recorded several others, all of the beehive type from the district. I am
indebted to her for spending much time on the subject and taking me on a
survey of those existing mainly in gardens or on rockeries; probably not
far from the sites where they were used. In less than half a day we were
able to examine, or record, no less than thirteen specimens. It is clear that
the belt of rising ground ten miles N. of York from Raskelf to Sheriff Hutton,
especially near the springs and streams that feed the River Foss, was a
major corn-growing area from late Iron age and throughout the Roman era.
Querns have been sadly neglected in the past by northern archaeolo-
gists, hence Sir Mortimer Wheeler’s remarks on p. 28 of the Stanwick
Report 1 — “the overwhelming majority of them, whether pre-Roman or Roman
in date, occurs on, or south of the Jurassic Zone, with a spill-over towards
the Trent basin. Their scarcity in Derbyshire, Lancashire and Yorkshire is
outstanding. Of the principal midland class of pre-Roman origin — the
‘Hunsbury’ type — the great area of Yorkshire has produced something like
13 examples, all without context; Lancashire and Derbyshire perhaps 1 each.
The evidence therefore from this source for the cultivation of grain before
the Roman settlement, if not quite so resolutely negative as is that from
the absence of storage pits (at Stanwick), is inconsiderable.’’
These remarks show that he based his evidence solely on a list headed:
“Distribution of Querns in England’’, drawn up by Judith T. Philips, B.A. 2
This list and its accompanying article contains much useful information,
but is very incomplete with regard to Yorkshire, only giving 8 examples
from the Sheffield area and mention of five at Doncaster museum. No
account is taken of those in other Yorks, museums3 nor of the five or six
figured in Richmond’s “Huddersfield in Roman Times’’; nor Elgee’s remarks,
and Fig. 66 in “Early Man in N.E. Yorks.’’ The total for N.E. Yorks, alone
must be well over 60. 4
Miss Philips sums up the Yorks, type as derived directly from the
Hunsbury type, which is conical or beehive in shape, with an extremely
narrow feed pipe; the angle of the grinding surface is flat or only slightly
inclined. In the Hunsbury type the handle holes penetrate the hopper or
feed-pipe, but the Yorks, types differ, only having handle holes (often 2 or 3)
which do not penetrate the hopper or feed pipe — though one example I have
seen in the Settle (Pig Yard) Museum, has handle holes of the former variety.
1 The Stanwick Fortifications, N.R. of Yorks. Sir Mortimer Wheeler,
1954.
2 Transactions of Leicestershire Archaeological Society, 26-28, 1950-52;
pp. 75-82.
3 Twelve in Scarborough Museum, six in the two Settle Museums,
four in Middlesbrough Museum, several at Whitby, and five at Malton, as
well as numerous flat querns. I have not yet made inquiries at the Yorks.
Museum, or Mortimer Collection, Hull. Doubtless many more in the smaller
collections.
4 A list of those recorded is being compiled.
96
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Iron rust appears in handle holes of three from Hunsbury 1 not found
elsewhere, but from the size of handle holes in the Yorks, variety it may be
inferred that it was not unusual to have iron handles as well as iron spindles
rotating in iron sleeves in the upper stones.
No site in Britain has produced as many querns (48 upper and 55 lower
stones), as Hunsbury — several more were removed by workmen and un-
recorded. They were made on the spot from gritstone imported from
BEEHIVE 'PvOTARY QUERNS CRAYKE. & STU.LIHOT0M
Fig. 4. Scale = 1/12.
Derbyshire. [Wharnecliffe Crags near Sheffield was an important quern
quarry (Inf. from C. W. Phillips).] There is evidence that the Cray ke querns
were shaped on the sites from rough-cuts obtained from the local sandstones
or limestones of the Hambletons.
1 Ibid., No. 2.
ROMANO-BRITISH DISCOVERIES AT CRAYKE, N.R. YORKS. 97
The type almost certainly arrived in Yorks, before the Roman era,
probably in the latter half of the first century R.C. Recent excavations at
Kildale and Levisham Moor1 prove their association with pottery of the
first century A.D. and probably much earlier occupation.
Fig. No. 4.
Upper stone of beehive type quern; diameter 13" ht. 6" hopper 5" dia.
tapering to 1" at base (1b) worn flat and smooth below almost to
broken handle hole, second handle hole 2" above base. Hard sand-
stone— from site 1-2 paving south of Daffy Lane near Woodhouse
Farm (Mr. Nelson).
2. Half broken from lower? quern stone — no sign of central hole. 12"
diameter 4" thick, smoothed on both sides. Could be grain rubber
used with No. 4. Fine-grained sandstone burnt (found as No. 1).
3. Conical sandstone 11" dia. 9" high. Hollow on top 3£" x 1" deep, no
handle holes. Could be unfinished upper stone, or for use with small
round rubber as example in Pig Yard Museum at Settle. In paved
area as No. 1 & 2. Kept at Woodhouse Farm. (3a) A roughed-out
conical stone 15" dia., approx, and 1 1" high, no holes — on site 1 as 1 a-b.
Not drawn.
4. Grain rubber stone 7" x 4" smoothed sandstone for use with saddle
stone quern.
5. Upper beehive type quern stone 13" dia. 6£" high 6" dia. hopper
tapering to f" at flat base, single handle hole 2" deep f" wide broken
or worn down at this point. Roughly pitted sandstone, found north of
New Grange Farm (formerly North Skeugh Farm) Stillington in field
called Slack Stys near spring and stream (Grid Ref. 574-694) now in
front garden of Broad Dyke, Crayke. (Mrs. N. Knowles).
6. Tall conical upper stone, narrow feed pipe, off centre, three handle
holes two near well-worn base and later hole set 2" higher. Reddish
sandstone, picked, 12 " dia. 8" high. Hopper 3|". Found with Nos.
5, 7 & 9 as above at North Skeugh by Mr. Knowles and kept in his
garden, Rose Cottage, Crayke.
7. Tall conical upper stone 12" dia. 9" high, narrow irregular feed-pipe
and three handle holes (one broken at base). Later a 2" hole inserted
6" above base at angle of 70°). Slightly convex at base. (Found and kept
as No. 6.)
No. 8a & b. A neat example 12" diameter 6" high with wide hopper 1\" .
Three handle holes all about 2" above base (flat) light sandstone with
pick marks.
Found several years ago near Stillington — probably at No. 5-9, now
in rockery of Mrs. Hugill, West End, Stillington.
9. Upper stone, 8" diameter 4\" high, 2\" dia. hopper (1" rim round top
tapering to 1" at base, which is slightly convex. Four evenly spaced
handle holes 3" from base f" diameter only penetrating 1". Mayen lava
imported from Germany, in the Roman era, from the great quern
1 Kildale Excavations by Rowland Close at Pale End, Kildale, in 1957,
revealed some roughly paved dwelling floors of a Romano-British native
settlement on top of earlier clay floor with stone hearth, and pottery of
iron-age types, situtu jars, etc. Broken beehive quern-stones set in upper
paving over the early hearth. In the later paving no less than 10 flat rotary
quern stones were found.
Levisham Moor. On Levisham Moor the Scarborough and District
Archaeological Society are excavating a square fort probably slighted by
the Romans during their advance into N.E. Yorks. (A.D. 71). The lower
stone of a beehive rotary quern was directly associated with late Iron-age
pottery and a fragment of the upper stone was found at the base of the
6-ft. rock-cut ditch a few feet to the west of the above find.
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THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
quarries that were used from neolithic to medieval times. Type not
shown on Fig. I. (Roder Fig. 4) in Antiquity, March 1955. 1 Found
with Nos. 5, 6 & 7, by Mr. Knowles. Now in garden at Rose Cottage,
Crayke.
Not Drawn.
10. Upper stone of beehive type, similar to Nos. 5-8 ploughed up S.W. of
Park House, Crayke (Grid Ref. 558, 695) by Olaf Slater, June 1956.
Now given to Mr. Warriner, The Ruddings, Easingwold Road. Inf.
from Mrs. N. Knowles.
1 1 . Upper stone of similar type seen by Mrs. Knowles in 3rd cottage,
E. of village shop Stillington, 1956. Not found in back garden on
recent visit. Probably from same site as Nos. 5-9.
12. Similar upper stone found at Boscar Grange near Cold Harbour, on
Thirsk — Easingwold Road, Grid Ref. 506, 725. Iron slag in association
on site.
13. Another similar stone reported from Raskelf, west of Inn, Grid Ref.
492-712; further to the west is the site — “Old Burrow Hill” 125 ft. O.D.
(see M.K.C., p. 121). 2
14. Mutilated lower stone, Zion Hill Farm, north of Crayke, kept at above
farm by owner, Mr. Jackson.
1 Antiquity, March 1955. Quern Quarries of Mayen in the Eifel,
Germany. O. G. S. Crawford.
2 Roman Malton and District Report No. 5, p. 121.
99
(ii) THE TRIAL EXCAVATION
By E. J. W. Hildyard, M.A., F.S.A.
Few places in all Yorkshire can rival, for historical interest
and beauty of situation, the picturesque village of Crayke, with
its red roofs climbing an isolated outlier of the Howardian Hills
crowned by grey church and castle. Given to St. Cuthbert by
King Egfridus (c.68 5) it remained a part of County Durham until
1844.
In 1937 during the levelling work required to make a tennis
court below Crayke Hall (see Site Plan), on the eastern slope of
the hill, a number of finds of various periods, Roman, Saxon,
Viking and Mediaeval came to light. These have been described
in a previous article in this Journal.1 The Roman finds consisted
of some glass and pottery, the latter of Crambeck type including
the inevitable Huntcliff cookpot. Later Mrs. Knowles, the
diligent guardian of local antiquities, obtained from the former
gardener at Crayke Hall the piece of decorated Samian illustrated
and described below, which had been overlooked by the workmen.
In 1948 the construction of a reservoir between the church and
castle (see Site Plan) necessitated considerable excavation by
mechanical means. Mrs. Knowles watched this work and recovered
a piece of flue tile from near the South side of the reservoir, which
confirmed the presence of occupation in Roman times on the
hilltop.
These finds together with the striking position of the place
which suggested it might be a Roman site of more than ordinary
interest, coupled with the enthusiasm of Mrs. Knowles (who had
already found another Roman site — Woodhouse Farm sites 1-3 of
fig. 1 — half a mile away in the vale below), induced the writer
to persuade the Roman Antiquities Committee of the Society
to make a small grant for a trial excavation.
Work was directed by the writer for parts of two weeks in
June 1956, from 11th- 16th, much hampered by wet weather, and
from 22nd-25th. Our grateful thanks are due to the landowner,
Mr. A. D. Cliff and Mr. L. C. Moverley the tenant, who gave
permission for the digging of TRS I and II and to Mr. Osborne,
Clerk to the Easingwold R.D.C. for permission to dig TR. Ill
within the reservoir enceinte. Miss Mallory, Matron of the Clay-
penny Hospital kindly provided labour and we were indebted to
Mrs. Sanderson of Crayke Hall for many kindnesses. In the field
the writer had the experienced help of Mr. A. Pacitto. Such
results as have been achieved are largely due to the expert reports
of Mrs. Le Patourel, Professor R. Warwick and Mr. B. R. Hartley,
F.S.A., which follow the description of the excavation.
Y.A.J., Part 135 (1939).
i
CRAYKE 1 9 5 6. SITE PLAN
100
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
THE TRIAL EXCAVATION
101
THE EXCAVATION
Trench I. From the limited amount of ground available
for digging (see Site Plan), the position of the first trench was
selected as a place not likely to have been disturbed in any recent
times. It was laid out, in a field of rough pasture parallel with
and at a distance of 15 ft. from the East boundary fence of the
churchyard. It was 50 ft. long by 4 ft. wide.
The stratification can be seen in Section I and was simple,
if rather unexpected. For the first foot throughout the trench
was disturbed humus in which occurred a considerable amount of
mediaeval pottery on which Mrs. Le Patourel has reported in a
later section. Apart from a few stray, un worked flints the only
other find was a jetton, fully described below, found by the
Director on the first day. This provided a useful check for the
dating of the pottery. The only other features were two small
areas of stones reddened by fire and covered with ash, containing
also a number of pieces of slag. Their position is shown on the
section.
Below this and overlying the iron pan and shale subsoil,
came 2 ft. of dense yellow clay which itself would have been
thought to have been quite undisturbed but for the fact that it
was found to contain skeletal remains of at least sixteen bodies.
They lay at depths varying from 1 ft. 6 ins. to 3 ft. and in all
cases were separated by at least several inches, but usually a foot
or more, of clay from the pottery layer of disturbed soil.
The clay itself showed no sign of disturbance whatever and
not only could no clear section of the graves be detected but there
was no sign of such a section at all such as would have been
expected if there had been any form of coffin although entirely
destroyed by the acid clay. Nor, not surprisingly, was there any
sign of a shroud, nor were there any objects of any sort associated
with the skeletons in spite of most careful search.
The bodies were all laid at right angles across the trench
with heads pointing to the West. Since the trench was only 4 ft.
wide and the skeletons were extended none were recovered
complete, the bones being so corroded by the clay that it was
not thought worthwhile to extend the trench laterally to do so.
In any case the combination of heavy clay and repeated thunder
rain made it difficult to deal with the remains in the normal way
without expending an unjustifiable amount of our limited time.
Three groups were, however, cleaned up sufficiently to be photo-
graphed in situ, the rest were merely removed as carefully as
possible.
Professor Warwick reports on the groups below, not all of
which were single individuals. A, E, I, G and M were merely
skulls recovered from the east side of the trench. J was the upper
half of a skeleton including the skull, B, F and H from neck to
CASTLE GARTH. CRAYKE 1956
THE TRIAL EXCAVATION
103
just below knees, L from the legs downwards and C, D and K a
confusion of more than one individual, in two cases a skull being
between thigh bones.
Trench II. After the failure of TR. I to produce any signs
of Roman occupation, another trench 24 ft. long by 4 ft. wide
parallel with and at a distance of 15 ft. from the north wall of
the churchyard was begun westwards from a point 90 ft. east of
the reservoir fence (see Site Plan). It was designed to section a
slight depression with mound on its west side noticeable on the
ground at this point running north for some 25 yds. and then
curving round westwards.
The main feature of this trench (see Section II) was a ditch,
of 4 ft. 6 ins. maximum depth, at the east end of the trench filled
with debris of a wall standing on its west edge. This at first
appeared to be a dry wall but a few pieces of decayed lime sug-
gested it may not have been without mortar. Some of the stones
were reddened by heat. On both sides of the wall was a con-
siderable deposit of small oblong roof tiles, some complete, with
the peg hole near the top right corner. There was a scatter of
mediaeval pottery throughout and especially in the ditch but the
most noticeable find was a piece of box flue tile with crossed
diagonal striations, at a depth of 1 ft. 3 ins., 18 ft. from the east
end of the trench. Here at least was evidence, at no great
distance, of the presence of the Romans.
The trench was extended another 64 ft. westwards as far as
the reservoir fence, the turf and humus being removed down to
the natural shale, but apart from a number of shallow and ir-
regular depressions in the shale, which appeared quite natural,
there were no features to note. The usual scatter of pottery, one
flint and one piece of chert, both unworked, were the only finds.
Trench III. Although there was a considerable area north
of the reservoir available for digging, this had clearly been the
upper slope of the hill, which falls away sharply on this side,
before it had been levelled up by dumped material excavated
during the reservoir’s construction. There was, however, just
room between the slope of the reservoir bank and the fence to
dig a narrow trench on the west side. This (TR. Ill) was 20 ft.
long, its middle point coinciding with the middle point of the
side of the reservoir.
This proved so disturbed in modern times that it has not
been thought necessary to publish the section. For the first 12 ft.
from the north there was 9 ins. of “reservoir clay”, viz. material
thrown out from that excavation. Below, a narrow band of brown
earth, possibly the former ground surface, with natural clay
beneath. At the south end was a ditch or depression nearly 4 ft.
deep filled with brown earth and stones. At a depth of 3 ft. 3 ins.
ran, slightly diagonally across the trench, a 4 ins. brick field
drain of un jointed lengths of tiles.
104
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Mr. R. Thomas of Crayke Castle, informed us that under this
part of the reservoir there had previously been a tennis court so
that levelling had probably destroyed whatever ancient stratifica-
tion there had been.
CONCLUSIONS.
Although meagre and disappointing, the finds provided
traces of at least three periods.
(a) The finding of a second piece of undoubted Roman box
tile from a hypocaust flue within 30 yds. of that found in 1948
confirmed the presence of a substantial Roman building not very
far away. During the mechanical excavation of the reservoir both
Mr. Thomas and Mrs. Knowles noticed large areas of black material
and, incidentally, informed me about it independently. The
former described it as a large saucer-shaped area in the northern
half of the reservoir about 10 ins. thick of burnt material con-
taining many pig bones. The latter observed a charcoal layer
on the N.E. side and noted the depth as 4 ft. from the modern
surface. These may be connected with the hypocaust furnace.
(b) The next period is that represented by the skeletons
but as there were no associated objects they cannot be dated
with any precision. All that can be said is that their careful
East-West orientation and extended position made it certain that
they belong to Christian times and that their date of burial must
be at an unknown, but possibly very considerable period prior to
the XIVth century.
As to why they were there at all no certain answer can be
given. Since they adjoin immediately the modern churchyard
their presence may merely mean that the burial ground was
formerly more extensive. The difference in levels, perhaps,
supports this notion. The fact that, apart from one doubtful
group (K) all are certainly male, might raise the possibility that
this was the cemetery of the monastery founded by St. Cuthbert,
of which the history is so obscure that doubts have been thrown
upon its existence.
On the other hand the burials are at once deliberate and
disorderly giving rather an impression of haste and lack of pre-
paration, such as might reflect some sudden disaster, plague or
massacre. There were no injuries, however, to support any idea of
violent death.
(c) The third period (quite unconnected with the skeletons),
is that of the pottery, dateable from its own internal evidence and
given a terminus post quem by the jetton. The signs of industrial
working in TR. I also belong to this period and it may be noted
that Mr. Shepherd observed the presence of ironstone in the
eastern side of the hill in 1937. 1
1 Op. cit. p. 273.
THE TRIAL EXCAVATION
105
The roof tiles and ditch in TR. II may be connected with
the '‘Great Barn” which is known to have stood thereabouts and
is marked on XVIIth and XVIIIth century maps. In com-
paratively recent times the site of TR. II was used as a kitchen
garden and the wall may have belonged to that.
As an attempt to find a Roman site at Crayke this trial
excavation was abortive, but this is not surprising in view of the
agglomeration of buildings from mediaeval times to the recent
reservoir which largely cover the hill top and must have all
contributed to the destruction of ancient remains. Careful enquiry
seemed to show that no Roman or other remains were found in
the churchyard during grave digging, including the north side
where the burial area has been extended in recent times.
The suggestion has been made that possibly some sacred
site crowned this eminence in Roman times but, if so, it would
seem scarcely possible to find it now. The only line still open to
further research would appear to be in the grounds of Crayke
Hall, working from the western limit of the finds in 1937.
The Mediaeval Pottery.
By H. E. Jean le Patourel.
In the pottery found at Crayke the most interesting pieces
come from the "pottery layer” of TR. I. Apart from one small
calcite-gritted sherd which is unlikely to be later in date than the
early twelfth century, this group fits readily into what is already
known of fourteenth century pottery. Its association with a
jetton of Edward IPs time is most valuable confirmatory evidence
and suggests a date rather towards the middle of the century for
these pots.
Most of the sherds found are small and there are rarely
more than two pieces of any one pot, though there is often
reasonably clear indication of shape. Cooking pots predominate
among the finds and are usually unglazed, but a few bowls are
included and also the remains of a small number of jugs. In view
of the fragmentary nature of the material it has seemed best to
classify them according to the type of ware used rather than
according to shape. Leaving aside the stray sherd mentioned
above, there are five types of ware.
(a) Gritty Ware. This is the most frequent fabric found.
It is common in Yorkshire from the twelfth until at least the
fourteenth century, though normally it is fired rather harder than
this pottery from Crayke, which can easily be pared down with a
knife. Its use both here and elsewhere appears to be confined
largely to the making of cooking pots and bowls. The most
common type of northern cooking pot is rather taller than its
greatest girth, with a rounded base and usually, at least on the
earlier pots, with marked rilling of the sides. Three variants of
rim form have been recognised ("Excavations in Carlisle, 1953,”
106
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Fig. 7.
Scale —
THE TRIAL EXCAVATION
107
Cumb. and Westmorland Antiq. Soc. Trans. N.S. Vol. LV., p. 87),
a squared rim, a rounded, clubbed form and a flanged rim. Al-
though examples of each occur apparently contemporaneously,
there is some evidence that a square or angular form was most
popular in the twelfth century, followed in the thirteenth by a
preference for the rounded form. By the fourteenth century a
fairly wide flange had become almost universal, though the older
forms are still occasionally found. The majority of the pots from
Crayke are of the late, flanged type. They may be compared with
fourteenth century pottery from the East Riding (see “Two
Mediaeval Sites in the Vale of Pickering” Studies in Yorkshire
Archaeology No. I by T. C. M. Brewster). These flanged pots are
well suited to take lids, although the small number of lids found
in the north suggests that if they were used they must often have
been of wood. A more shallow type of cooking pot (No. 8) was
probably not made much earlier than the fourteenth century.
Parallels exist both at Carlisle and in the East Riding.
1. Cooking pot in rather soft gritty ware with flanged rim;
grey core, light red surfaces.
2. Similar in light grey.
3. Similar; light red surfaces, some blackening on the
exterior.
4. Similar light red ware, less pronounced rim flange.
5. Similar, pink. This more rectangular rim is common in
the twelfth century. There is nothing to show whether
this sherd is a survival, or whether this form persisted
along side the flanged rims.
6. Similar ware, buff. Cooking pot rim.
7. Similar, buff with grey core. Cooking pot rim.
8. Similar ware, pink core, pinkish buff surfaces.
Shallow cooking pot of fourteenth-century type.
(i b ) Sandy Ware.
This rather harsh, sandy fabric is used for cooking pots,
small bowls and jugs. Several tall jugs or pitchers in this fabric
are known in York, with a partial dark green glaze, and though
they have not been precisely dated they are thought to belong to
the fourteenth century. The pieces preserved at Crayke are very
small, but the rim sections and glaze suggest similar vessels.
9. Small bowl in slightly sandy buff ware, with grey core.
Half an inch from the base the bowl has been trimmed
with a knife. Green glaze has covered part of the in-
terior, but it is largely chipped off.
10. Part of a cooking pot in similar buff ware. It has a
spot of green glaze on the exterior. This pot has a more
pronounced neck than those in the gritty ware.
11. Similar ware, light pink cooking pot rim.
108
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
12. Rim of a jug in similar ware. Two similar rims were
found in the topsoil.
(c) Hard Gritty Ware.
The third type of ware may be a variant of the first though
it is not found earlier than the thirteenth century. It differs
chiefly in the very hard firing to which it had been subjected.
Although on other sites class (a) ware is often of a harder quality
than that found at Crayke, it never attains the hardness of the
type under discussion. The only example of this ware illustrated
is No. 13, the base of a bowl of a form well known in the West
Riding. (See Kirkstall Abbey Excavations 1950-54, Publications of
the Thoresby Society XLIII (1954) pp. 27, 50). A further example,
Fig. 8. Scale = T
not illustrated, is part of a base showing part of the stacking ring
in green glaze. These stacking rings and the corresponding
roughness on rims which have had to be broken away from the
bases to which they have been fused in the kiln, are sometimes -
held to be wasters, and as such, evidence of kiln activity in the
immediate neighbourhood. In fact one or both of these features
are very common on late mediaeval pots in the north of England,
and it seems likely that these vessels were normally used unless
the distortion or disfigurement were so great as to make this
impossible.
13. Base of bowl in very hard gritty ware. The interior is
covered with thick green glaze.
THE TRIAL EXCAVATION
109
(i i ) Smooth Red Ware. This class might appropriately be
called “flower pot”. The only example of this ware that can be
dated is a small unglazed jug found at York and dated by coins
to the end of the 14th or beginning of the 15th century. Nothing
is known of its origins. The sherds found at Crayke are too small
for illustration. They are all glazed.
(e) Lightly Gritted Ware. This is differentiated from class
(a) which it resembles, because it seems of better quality and is
more lightly gritted. It is a pleasant ware to handle and is only
used for jugs. No. 14 compares closely with a jug from Kirby
Malzeard, which was found in association with a 14th century
cooking pot. [Mediaeval Catalogue , London Museum Catalogues
No. 7, p. 225. The Kirby pot has no feet).
14. Rim and handle of jug in lightly gritted, buff ware with
partial apple green glaze. The rim is rough where it
has adhered to the pot above it during firing.
15. Rim of jug in similar ware, pink with partial green glaze.
Conclusion.
It is seldom possible to date mediaeval pottery precisely.
The jetton with which this group is associated belongs to the
time of Edward II (1307-1327). It could have been used for a
considerable time after that. No pottery of known 15th-century
date is included among this group, though late pottery was found
in TR. II at some distance away from it. The most reasonable
date for the pottery seems to be about the middle of the century.
Of all periods in the development of mediaeval pottery in the
north, the 14th century is the most obscure. Material such as
this is proportionately valuable.
THE JETTON. This small bronze piece, 19 mm. in diameter,
was found in TR. I at 18 ft. in the upper part of the pottery
layer. It has been examined by Mr. R. H. M. Dolley who states,
“It is one of a large class which can be dated with some confidence
to “Temp. Edward II” (1307-1327).
The full description is as follows : —
Obv. Three cinquefoils, or roses, separated by three pellets,
within a granulated inner circle; a border of pellets in place of a
legend.
Rev. A short cross recercellee, cantoned by pellets within a
granulated inner circle; a border of pellets in place of a legend.
See Barnard, The Casting Counter and Counter Board, Plate I.
24/26 mule.”
Report on the Skeletal Remains.
By Professor Roger Warwick.
Group.
A. Fragment of collar bone and skull of an adult male.
Age early twenties.
110
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
B. Fragments of 4 femora, 4 humeri and part of sacrum
and several vertebrae, both these latter showing signs of
osteo-arthritis. All probably male, at least two males.
Age probably over 40.
C. A jumble of fragmentary and eroded bones, including
legs, arms, vertebrae and a fairly good skull, with a few
fragments of another.
Two adult males, one very muscular and aged 35-40,
the other of unknown age.
D. Includes a mandible, sacrum, three thigh bones, two arm
bones and a shin bone. The mandible is youngish and
male, the shin bone probably much older.
There appear to be two adult males, one aged about 25,
the other perhaps over 40.
E. A fragmentary skull and one worn tooth. If the latter
belongs to the skull, food must have been coarse, for this
represents a youngish male. Age early thirties.
F. Fragmentary thigh bone, rather large, one fragment
bearing a pit which may have resulted from an injury.
Also one foot bone and a pelvic fragment. Adult male,
rather hefty, age uncertain.
G. A poor skull of adult male. No injuries apparent, few
teeth preserved, dental wear marked, dolichocephalic.
Age 30-35.
H. Fragments of vertebrae, sacrum, two femora, two hip
bones, two humeri, small fragment of jaw bone with one
worn molar. All bones probably male but possibly may
not belong to one individual as the sacrum appears
younger than the vertebrae. At least one adult male.
Age over 35.
I. Fragments of a skull and jawbone. The very worn
teeth are not necessarily a sign of age but the sutures
suggest an elderly male perhaps over 40.
J. Fragments of a skull and of various limb bones, all very
eroded. Probably one adult male, age uncertain.
K. A mixed group indicating two individuals. The frag-
mentary skull suggests a female. There are four shin
bones all broken, two being small and probably belonging
to the skull. There is also a fragment of a femur probably
from an adolescent male.
There thus appears to be one female, aged 25-30 and one
adolescent male.
L. A mass of bones, many fragmentary, all from the legs,
except fragments of right humerus, ulna and radius, of
one adult male. They include fragments of both right
and left, femora, tibiae, fibulae and pelvic bones, six
tarsal and three metatarsal bones. One fibula shows a
healed fracture.
M. Fragments of a skull. Sex uncertain. Age 40-45.
THE TRIAL EXCAVATION
111
DECORATED SAMIAN.
By B. R. Hartley, F.S.A.
1. Form 37. Ovolo with straight tongue, as used by
CINNAMVS. The figures are: — Dech. 146 (0.234) Perseus; Dech.
355 (0.605) satyr.
Perhaps by CINNAMVS or an associate, in any case certainly
Antonine, c. A.D. 150-180. Found at Easingwold. (From Mrs.
Knowles).
2. Form 37. From a free-style bowl? The figures are: —
Pan — Dech. 413 (0.711); Hercules — Dech. 449 (0.774). Crayke
Hall, tennis court.
It is impossible to attribute this piece to any particular
potter, though both figure types were commonly used by
CINNAMVS. The glaze and fabric are consistent with an
Antonine date.
112
PENISTONE GRAMMAR SCHOOL IN THE
NINETEENTH CENTURY
By John Addy.
The parishioners of Penistone and the feoffees of the
Grammar School, having successfully ejected the Revd. Joseph
Horsfall from the mastership of the school, proceeded on 18th
April 1786 to elect a new master.
The most suitable candidate appeared to be Jonathon
Wood,1 at least so far as his testimonials were concerned, for he
had been supplied with these by a number of influential people
in Cheshire.2 He was duly elected and complied with the regula-
tions concerning schoolmasters in that he received the Holy
Communion at Penistone Parish Church in accordance with the
Test Act,3 subscribed to the 39 Articles of the Book of Common
Prayer4 and presented his nomination, together with his testi-
monials, to the Archbishop of York who then licensed him on
May 10th 1787.5
The feoffees offered him new articles to sign, together with
a bond for £500. These were designed to prevent the appointment
of a master who simultaneously held a cure of souls, as Horsfall
had done.6 Having been duly licensed and established in the
school. Wood inserted the following advertisement in the Leeds
Intelligencer and the York Courant.7
EDUCATION.
Mr. Wood-Master of the Grammar School at Penistone —
wishes to acquaint his FRIENDS and the PUBLIC that he has
fitted up a very pleasant and convenient house where YOUTH
may be genteely boarded and educated in CLASSICAL and
MATHEMATICAL learning for thirteen guineas per annum.
Entrance Ten Shillings and Sixpence. YOUNG GENTLEMEN
not boarded in the HOUSE may be taught READING, WRITING
and ENGLISH GRAMMAR for Five Shillings and Sixpence per
1 Born Tadcaster. Educated at Tadcaster Grammar School. Assistant
Master at J. Bean’s school, Leeds. Senior Master at Nantwich Grammar
School. Died at Penistone April 1836. (Grammar School Archives).
2 These were the Revd. G. Cotton, brother to Robert Cotton M.P. for
Cheshire. T. Wettenhall, brother in law to Sir Thomas Blackett of Bretton.
Robert Hill brother to Roland Hill M.P. for Shropshire.
3 24 Charles 2, C2.
4 Act of Uniformity, 12 Charles 2, C4.
5 R.IV N 2185/6 Borthwick Institute, York. Copy of the licence in
the Leeds University Museum of Educational History.
6 Note that in spite of the new articles, Wood’s successor in 1836 was
also vicar of Penistone.
7 June 1787 Leeds Intelligencer.
PENISTONE GRAMMAR SCH. IN NINETEENTH CENTURY 113
quarter— ARITHMETIC and the LANGUAGES for Seven
Shillings and Sixpence per quarter. Mr. Wood gratefully acknow-
ledges the great encouragement he has hitherto received and
engages to attend to the Instruction and Behaviour of Pupils
entrusted to his care.
Wood undertook extensive repairs and fitted up the school
house for the accommodation of boarders. The detailed accounts
have survived and make interesting reading, as also do the balance
sheets for the first ten years of his mastership.1
He was not, however, destined to be left in peace. In 1797
complaints began to circulate concerning the quality of his teaching.
These came to a head in 1805, when the inhabitants of Penistone
petitioned the feoffees, through the Churchwardens, for a public
enquiry into the conduct of the master, and the organisation of
the school. It is ironical to note that while the energies of the
country were being expended in the struggle with Napoleon, the
energies of the people of Penistone were directed upon a struggle
with the master of the Grammar School.
The feoffees invited written complaints, which being sent
in, were duly investigated on November 1st 1805, when an enquiry
was held at the Grammar School, Wood being present to examine
the petitioners.2 One William Shaw complained that, “when he
sent his sons to school they could read a chapter from the New
Testament, but they never improved at School”. When questioned
by Wood, he replied that his sons were not regular attenders.
John Hardy, of Penistone, had a long list of complaints about the
master’s absence from school during school hours, his late arrival
at school, “he never comes before 9 o’clock in the morning especially
in winter”. He considered school holidays to be excessive, “the
last 16 weeks preceeding Midsummer last there was no school on
4 whole days and 2 half days; that there was no discipline in the
school, and the ‘Latten Grammar’ was badly taught. At his
cross examination by the feoffees, he answered that he had made
‘frequent complaints to the master but he takes no notice’.
Isaac Marsh went one step further, for he produced some of
his son’s written work in English and Arithmetic, in which 'several
words are wrong speled and money sums wrong cast up’, while
Thomas Mitchell, of Gunthwaite, did not send his boys to Penistone
because, ‘there was no good Schoolars made there’. The highlight
of the proceedings was the complaint by Daniel Charlesworth that
the master employed his sons to run errands for him during lesson
time. At his cross examination he admitted that he never sent
his sons to school, ‘in Haytime, Harvest or Winter’.
1 Building parlour chimney, 2 days . . . 3/4d.; Pulling down and re-
building back kitchen 25/-; New floor boards and 3 window frames for
boarders in Garrett and a new door for the necessary house. £2. 8. 5£d.
(Grammar School Archives).
2 Seven complaints have survived. Photostats are in the Leeds
University Museum of Educational History.
114 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Wood survived all this trouble, and continued in his post
as master of the school, publishing a biography of Dr. Nicholas
Sanderson a famous pupil of the school under Nathan Staniforth.1
Wood also figures in the Endowed Schools Inquiry Report of
1827. 2 This gives a summary of the history of the school as then
known and makes the following remarks, ‘The present master
teaches only reading, writing and accounts, hence the school only
teaches elementary subjects. The present master was appointed
in 1786. There are complaints about his conduct which, con-
sidering his advanced age, we have not thought it expedient to
enquire into closely’. The feoffees are however advised to appoint
as his successor, a master who is qualified to support the institution
as a Grammar School.3
Wood died in the spring of 1836, and the feoffees advertised
for a master to be elected on 10th October 1836. There were
twenty-five applicants for the post, and three candidates were
chosen to attend the examinations.4 These were, John Braith-
waite of Kirby Lonsdale, supported by the Bishop of London,
the editor of the ‘Preston Pilot’ and the corporation of Garstang.
William Peeke of Mulgrave Acadamy, Scarborough, supported by
Doctors Commons and the Master of Pontefract Grammar
School; the Revd. Samuel Sunderland, M.A., vicar of Penistone,
supported by the Master and Fellows of Clare College, Cambridge
and the inhabitants of Penistone. Sunderland had worked hard
to get himself appointed, though the statutes of 1786 had ex-
cluded from the mastership any person who held a cure of souls,
nevertheless Sunderland was elected master on October 22nd 1836.
Sunderland subscribed to the statutes and undertook not to
take -Holy Orders without permission, to live in the schoolhouse
and not sublet; to admit boys who were able to read the Bible
fluently, and to teach Latin, Greek and English free, while other
subjects were to be taught according to a scale of charges. Holidays
were to be four weeks at Christmas, four weeks at Midsummer
beginning on the Friday before the Nativity of St. John Baptist.5
Among the surviving documents for this period are the
admission registers for the whole of Sunderland’s mastership,
1836-1855. These show the smallest numbers of boys at the
1 Published in the Yorkshire Magazine or Northern Star. See also the
memorial to Nicholas Sanderson in the chancel of Penistone Church.
2 Endowed Schools Enquiry Report, Vol. 18, p. 194ff. (Leeds City
Library).
3 Details are also given of the Wordsworth Charity that explain why
the Westminster Assembly Catechism was used. In 1703 Samuel Words-
worth left £400 to the vicar, master and usher of Penistone School. The
money was invested in Netherthong estate, and out of the revenue, 3/5
went to the vicar provided he preached every Sunday morning and on St.
John Baptist’s day. 2/5 to the master and usher in proportion to their
salary provided they taught the Assembly’s Catechism. This endowment
still exists.
4 Letters of Application 1836. (Grammar School Archives).
5 The church is dedicated to St. John Baptist and Penistone fair falls
in the octave of the feast.
PENISTONE GRAMMAR SCH. IN NINETEENTH CENTURY 115
school to be 32 in 1847, and the largest 56 in 1855. Of these
approximately 50% were taught writing in books, and the re-
mainder writing on slates.1 A famous pupil of Penistone School
was Ebenezer Elliott, of Rotherham, the corn law rhymer who
spent a period of his boyhood at Thurlstone in 1790. Sunderland
was accidentally killed on 18th July 1855 while on an excursion
to Chatsworth House with the Sunday School teachers, the
wagonette in which they were travelling overturned near Rowsley
Station and he was thrown out and killed.2
Once again trouble broke out when the matter of appointing
a successor came up before the feoffees. At a meeting on 18th
August 1855 a deputation from the parishioners appeared before
the feoffees and presented a memorial stating, 'that your
memorialists being deeply impressed with the importance of
popular education and taking into consideration the costly efforts
which are being made by all Sects and Parties and aided by
Parliament itself for the establishing of cheap schools, earnestly
pray that you would make the Penistone Grammar School a Free
School for the teaching of Reading, Writing and Arithmetic and
not allow its ample endowments to continue productive of little
benefit to the inhabitants of the Parish of Penistone’. The
Petitioners also stated that the next master should hold no other
appointment of any kind whatsoever at the same time. The
feoffees left the matter for further consideration at a later meeting.3
The meeting of September 3rd 1855 never discussed the
matter but drew up the conditions which the masters should in
future observe, and also framed the advertisement for insertion in
the press. This duly appeared on 13th September 1855 in the
Leeds Mercury, Sheffield and Rotherham Independent, and the
Wakefield Journal. There were numerous applications for the
post, one of which was that of the Revd. Robert Topham who
had been usher to the Revd. Samuel Sunderland for four years.
A petition was presented to the Earl of Wharncliffe that his
application should be rejected, on the grounds that, 'Topham is
attempting to purchase the advowson of Penistone from Mr.
Bosville who is needy’.4 Mr. Shackleton, of Penistone, made a
request that, 'it is contrary to right feeling or common sense to
maintain Grammar Schools like Penistone, as an old and effete
foundation and in the importance of rudimental education
of the working classes of this country, the Grammar School should
be converted to a free school’. Evidently attacks on Grammar
Schools are not confined to twentieth century politics.
The Trustees held a meeting on the 15th October to name
a date for the examination of the candidates, and the election of
the master. Unfortunately a deputation headed by the same
1 ls£ Earl of Wharncliffe papers, No. 466 — 472. Sheffield City Library.
2 See memorial to Samuel Sunderland on the south wall of the chancel
of the parish church.
3 Grammar School Archives.
4 ls£ Earl of Wharncliffe papers, No. 471. Sheffield City Library.
116 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Shackleton who had made an earlier attack on the school, attended
the meeting, and served a notice on the Trustees. This notice
was to the effect that, the parishioners were dissatisfied at the
manner and terms of the advertisement of September 13th, T
give notice that the school being a free school for the inhabitants
of Penistone, the appointment of a master, in such a manner and
on such terms, in opposition to the wishes of the Inhabitants,
proceedings will be taken to enforce a proper administration of
the trusts’.1 The Trustees at this withdrew their advertisement,
and amended it so that the Master should have no more than
six boarders, and that those pupils who took Mathematics,
Trigonometry, History or Geography must provide their own
books, instruments and slates.
A new master was elected on October 29th 1855 from a
short list of two. These were the Revd. John Wesley Aldom,
curate of Penistone, and William Tate of Rochdale. Aldom was
elected, being a graduate M.A. of Trinity College, Dublin. He
promptly introduced revised scales of charges, of five shillings per
quarter for all subjects except Latin, Greek and English, which
were taught free. Aldom resigned his mastership upon his pre-
ferment to a living in the diocese of Chester on 10th April 1867.
His resignation produced a mass of correspondence with the
Schools Enquiry Commission, which advised the appointment of
a temporary master until the report of the commissioners on the
future of the school was available. An advertisement was inserted
in the Leeds Mercury, Yorkshire Post, Midland Counties Herald,
and Manchester Examiner for a temporary master at an increased
salary of £110 per annum.2
There followed a rapid succession of masters, some accepting
the post and resigning before taking up duty. The first of these
was Alfred Stearne, B.A., assistant master at Richmond Grammar
School (Yorks.), who held office for three months. The Trustees
then appointed George Curtis Price, B.A., to succeed Stearne,
adding a note to the appointment that, 'if he declines the post
the same is to go to Walter Mooney Hatch.3 In an endeavour to
find a master who would remain, the Trustees undertook several
major repairs to the school but even modernization failed to
retain a master.4 However, on the 9th September 1867 Price
declined the mastership, which was immediately accepted by
Walter Hatch, with disastrous results. His first action was to
revise the scale of charges for subjects taught, retaining only
Latin and Greek as free subjects, the others to be taught at a
charge of one guinea per quarter per subject. The result was
inevitable, for Hatch resigned in despair on 15th January 1868
having had during that time only one scholar, and he for one
1 Grammar School Archives.
2 ls£ Earl of Wharncliffe papers, No. 471. Sheffield City Library.
3 Trustees Minute Book 1867-1886. Grammar School Archives.
4 Ibid.
PENISTONE GRAMMAR SCH. IN NINETEENTH CENTURY 117
half day. Needless to say the Trustees immediately reduced the
charges to seven and sixpence per quarter.
By February 1868 a new master had appeared, Theophilus
Jackson, who agreed to put into practice the recommendations of
the Charity Commissioners which had now arrived.1 Unfortunately
he did not enjoy good health and in 1877 he tendered his resignation
to the Trustees. He must have proved a successful master in
what had become a difficult school, for the inhabitants of Penistone
petitioned him to continue in office. He accordingly withdrew his
resignation but in 1884 the severe winter weather of Penistone
proved too much for him and he had to resign. During his tenure
of office two changes were seen at the school, one was the demolition
of the old Queen Anne schoolmaster’s house, in order to make way
for street widening, and the other is the first recorded report on
the school by an H.M.I., Mr. F. R. Sanford.
The report states that the school was registered as an
efficient school within section 48 of the Education Act of 1876.2
The School had then 62 boys, and the report continues, ‘it ought,
I presume, being a Grammar School, aim to give a higher kind
of education to the boys of the town and neighbourhood, but only
a few above elementary school age attend it. The scholars are
orderly and in the Upper Classes do fairly well; the Lowest Class
is backward. The Trustees have lately improved the school
building, which is an ancient one. It would be better if the number
of older scholars could be increased and the children under ten
dispensed with’.
As an entire reorganisation of the school was pending,
another temporary master was appointed, Othman Blakey, who
remained for only one year, and was followed by Harry Hardy
who held the mastership until 1888. The Charity Commissioners
reorganised the school in September 1886 and on November 28th
the old Trustees, formerly appointed by the parish from time
immemorial, resigned and handed over their duties to a newly
constituted Board of Governors. Seven of these were to represent
the old foundation of Thomas Clarel,3 while the remaining eight
were nominated by various local authorities, i.e. the new local
boards of the Townships carved out of the ancient parish, and
by the Elementary School Board Electors.4 The school was to
be a day school for boys and might include girls. (Boarders
survived until 1921 and girls were admitted in 1904, being housed
in a building known as the Tin Tabernacle.) The Head was to
1 This is set out in a detailed report in the Grammar School Archives.
2 30 and 40 Victoria c.79.
3 Frederick Wentworth of Wentworth Castle, Earl of Wharncliffe,
W. Spencer Stanhope of Cawthorne, Thomas Wentworth of Wentworth
Castle, John Milner of Thurlstone and Revd. W. S. Turnbull vicar of
Penistone.
4 1 Justice of the Peace from the West Riding; 1 from Barnsley
Grammar School; 2 nominated by the chairmen of the Local Boards in the
ancient parish of Penistone; 2 by the public Elementary School Board
Electors and 2 by the School Boards in the ancient parish.
118 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
be a graduate and had the powers to appoint and dismiss his
staff, while a capitation of 30/- per boy was to be allowed. The
boys under eight years of age were to be removed to the elementary
schools and none were to remain after 15 years of age. The
subjects taught were to be English, French, Latin, Geography,
History, Music, Mathematics, Natural Science, Drawing and
Drill. The revenues of the old foundation and those of the Words-
worth Charity were to be united and the revenues used for pro-
viding Foundation Scholarships to one boy each year.
Following the reorganisation, the temporary master, Harry
Hardy resigned, and the post was advertised. There were several
applicants, one of which is amusing in that the applicant, one
Joseph Ohm of Lord Weymouth Grammar School, Warminster,
gave his age, height, weight and chest measurements. Another
was Fred Hooper, former Headmaster of Hemsworth Grammar
School who had resigned when this school was transferred to
Barnsley, and Samuel Mills, M.A., tutor and lecturer in music at
St. John’s College, York. These were all unsuccessful for the
post went to Lionel Adams, M.A., of Stafford Grammar School who
sent in 18 testimonials.
The school must have been in very poor shape when he
arrived, for in his report of 1889 Adams stated that when he
arrived at Penistone there were no lesson books, and he had to
introduce these gradually to avoid expense. He went on to say
that the standard was only elementary, but the level was being
raised. Only 12 boys knew any Latin, 13 knew some French and
none any Euclid. In 1890 the school was to present its first
candidates for the Junior Oxford Local Examination. Mr. Adams
stressed that, ‘spelling and writing are poor since too many parents
keep boys away from school to run errands, help in shops etc.,
which interferes with progress’. This tendency is still with us
60 years later.
Adams resigned in 1892 and was followed by Joseph Fulford1
under whose mastership the school expanded, and the high
tradition of scholarship was established, which has endured to
our own time. By 1893 the old school had outgrown its original
buildings, which were abandoned and sold when the school moved
to larger premises at Weirfield, to the north of the town beyond
the workhouse. From this building the present school has evolved.
The main block was erected in 1917 and additions made from
time to time since that date. A sign of changes in education was
seen in 1894 when Sir Walter Stanhope of Cawthorne opened a
fund for the building of a fully equipped science laboratory on
the grounds that science would be an important subject in the
future. The high standards set by Joseph Fulford have been con-
tinued under his successors but that belongs to the 20th century.
1 Joseph Fulford. Born at Warwick, school Edward VI Birmingham.
M.A. Dublin. 16 years at Parkwood School, Liverpool. 4 years at East
Retford Grammar School. Licensed Reader by the Bishop of Southwell.
Resigned 1921.
119
THE AGRICULTURE OF THE EAST RIDING
OF YORKSHIRE BEFORE THE PARLIA-
MENTARY ENCLOSURES
By Alan Harris, M.A.
English agriculture displayed considerable local variety in
the seventeenth century. In some districts a patchwork of hedged
fields covered the countryside; in others a ‘champion’ landscape
of open fields prevailed. Some areas were famed for their grass-
lands; others for their tillage. These contrasts could be found
within quite small counties. In this paper some of the major
regional differences in the agriculture of the East Riding during
the half-century before the Parliamentary enclosures will be
discussed. The years covered by this account — approximately
1690 to 1740 — thus occur near the end of the age of open-field
farming in much of the Riding.
During the latter part of the eighteenth century several
authors described what they had seen and heard in the East
Riding in the course of fact-finding tours. Used with discretion,
these accounts provide an invaluable picture of the countryside
and farming systems at a time when both were in process of trans-
formation. The earlier, pre-enclosure period is very much less
well-served by contemporary writers. Much of the information
must be sought among the manorial and estate records which have
been gathered into the national and provincial record offices, and
in the thousands of inventories attached to the wills of deceased
farmers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. These sources
have been used by historians in other counties, but they remain
largely unexplored in the East Riding.1 Their value, and some of
their shortcomings, will be indicated below.
It is proposed first of all to describe the agricultural land-
scapes in the county as they were at the end of the seventeenth
century and to relate these to the enclosure history of the Riding;
then to discuss the field-systems; and finally the crop and live-
stock husbandry of the district.
At the end of the seventeenth century at least half the area
of the East Riding still lay unenclosed.2 It is not possible to be
more precise than this. The enclosure records of the period of
1 See, for example, W. G. Hoskins, The Leicestershire Farmer in the
Sixteenth Century, in Essays in Leicestershire History, 1950; Joan Thirsk,
English Peasant Farming: the Agrarian History of Lincolnshire from Tudor
to Recent Times, 1957.
2 The data on enclosures have been collected from the acts, awards
and agreements in the Registry of Deeds and East Riding Record Office,
Beverley, with some additional information from enclosure documents
deposited in the Parish Chest.
120
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
•TO DWNGHOS.
S£AV&
___v» a*.
i. milk
Fig. 1
The Open Fields of Beeford in Holderness before the Enclosure of 1766.
Old enclosed land (in black) lay in the village. The two arable fields
occupied some 2,000 acres and the meadows and pastures 1,100 acres.
AGRICULTURE OF THE EAST RIDING OF YORKS., ETC. 121
Parliamentary enclosure (1730-1850) show that almost half (48
per cent) the county was dealt with by act or agreement during
those years. Enclosure was proceeding between 1690 and 1740,
but it was mostly confined to the lowlands of Holderness and the
Vale of York and was apparently on a restricted scale.1 An
estimate of about 50 per cent for the unenclosed area at the end
of the seventeenth century may not, therefore, be an unrealistic one.
By 1690 enclosure had made inroads into the open fields in
all parts of the county, but its effects were most noticeable in the
landscapes of the Vale of York and Holderness, where more land
lay in hedged than in open fields. On the wolds, despite con-
siderable enclosures made in Tudor times in the interests of sheep
farming, the greater part of the district retained its ancient open-
field husbandry. Many of the higher townships at least were
similar in appearance to Wetwang which was described, early in
the eighteenth century, as being in the midst of an open country-
side in which “Scarce a Bush or Tree [appeared] for several
Miles”.2 Bushes and trees — with the exception of whins or furze —
remained a rarity on the high wolds until well into the eighteenth
century. Great tracts of wold land were devoted to sheep pasture
and rabbit warren in both open and enclosed townships. In the
first half of the eighteenth century it is probable that at least a
half, and perhaps as much as two-thirds, of the chalk country was
under grassland.3
In the alluvial Carrlands along the river Hull, in the shallow
valleys between the hummocky glacial drift of Holderness, in the
Vale of Pickering and in the southern part of the Vale of York ill-
drained bottom-lands presented a dismal picture during floods.
The low-lying grounds were not all subject to permanent inundation,
however. They could generally be used for at least two or three
months in the summer for grazing purposes, and they provided
coarse hay, wildfowl, fish and peats. It was said of the Carrlands
of Brandesburton in 1773 that they were “good pasture for cattle
in summer but generally overflowed and of no use in the winter”.4
This was true of many of the Hull valley Carrlands.
1 Enclosures are known to have taken place in the following townships
during the period: Kilpin ( circa 1706), Fangfoss (1722-23), Kennythorpe
(“lately divided”, 1725), the South Field of Bishop Wilton (1726), Yapham
and Meltonby (1731), Gransmoor (1702), Wyton (“lately enclosed”, 1710),
Little Hatfield (1718), Catwick (1731), Danthorpe (1734-35), Bewholme and
Nunkeeling (1740), Thorpe Bassett (1718), Scagglethorpe (1725-26), Buckton
(recent enclosures, 1729-30). There were small exchanges and enclosures in
Burton Agnes and Thornholme in 1720-23. The only large wold enclosure
was that of Driffield (1740-41.
2 ‘An Old Acct. of Ld. Bathurst Estate at Wetwang’, no date,
East Riding Record Office.
3 H. E. Strickland, General View of the Agriculture of the East Riding
of Yorkshire, 1812, p. 106; calculations made from data for unenclosed
townships given in the Crop Returns for 1801 (P.R.O., H.O. 67 (26).).
4 ‘Minutes on view of Brandsburton Estate 1773’, City of London
Record Office, box 3.9. Much additional information on the Brandesburton
Carrlands during the eighteenth century will be found in the Brandesburton
surveys in this office.
122 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
The individuality of these lands finds expression in the
inventories of local farmers’ goods and chattels. In the Hull
valley, for example, many of the men who lived in the villages
adjacent to the Carrlands had boats, nets and fowling guns at the
time of their death. William Walls, a grassman, or cottager, of
Hull Bridge, possessed two ‘Carr Boats’ in November 1689.1 John
Woodmansey, who farmed at Tickton, left two boats and a gun
in 1737.2 These men evidently made some use of the marshy
grounds in their neighbourhood.
Where open arable fields survived they conformed to the
familiar pattern of two, three, four, or more fields within which
were the scattered lands of the men and women who farmed them
from a neighbouring settlement. Though piecemeal enclosure
had destroyed the old plan of some open-field townships, parti-
cularly in the Vale of York, many others retained their fields
virtually intact. (Fig. 1).
Two open arable fields were most common in Holderness:
there were few three- or four-field villages. In the other parts of
the Riding there was more variety, with a higher proportion of
three-, four- and six-field villages.3 A crop and fallow rotation
in two fields, and a rotation of two crops to a fallow in three fields
was common but by no means universal. On the wolds it was
not uncommon for land to lie fallow for many years between
crops.4 The witness in a tithe suit of 1591, who described how land
in Risby had “laid lea for allmoste twentie yeres laste paste for
the barannes thereof”, might well have been describing a mid-
eighteenth century practice.5
Information of a general kind on the crops grown in the
open fields and enclosures can be gleaned from manorial bylaws
and surveys, but only the inventories make possible a detailed
discussion. Since these have not hitherto been used for this
purpose in the East Riding, a brief account of their nature and
limitations is relevant.
The inventories made for purposes of probate are attached
to the original wills in the Probate Registry, York.6 Each in-
ventory— at least for the period under discussion — details the
1 Probate Registry, York.
2 Ibid., inventory dated March, 1737. Similar details occur in the
inventories of Daniel Kime, Leven, February 1688, William Fisher, Tickton,
December 1688, Thomas Hakeney, Weel, December 1689, William Peck,
Benningholme Grange, July 1740.
3 This statement is based upon a study of numerous enclosure awards
and plans of the eighteenth century supplemented by a number of rentals
and surveys of seventeenth-century date.
4 R. Lennard, English Agriculture under Charles II, Econ. Hist. Rev.,
IV, 1932; Isaac Leatham, General View of the Agriculture of the East Riding
of Yorkshire, 1794, p. 42. A fuller discussion of rotations at this period will
be found in A. Harris, The Open Fields of East Yorkshire, East Yorkshire
Local History Society, 1959.
5 RVII G 2595, Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, York.
6 I am indebted to the Registrar, Probate Registry, York, for per-
mission to examine the inventories.
AGRICULTURE OF THE EAST RIDING OF YORKS., ETC.
123
estate of the deceased, more often than not with an accompanying
note of the value of each item. It is possible to sample these
inventories, grouping the resulting data together for different
parts of the county so as to obtain a picture of regional farming
at a particular period.1 It will be obvious that the value of the
result is affected by the nature of the sample. If the sample for,
say, the period 1690-1700 contains a high proportion of inventories
drawn from among the larger farmers a misleading impression of
what was most characteristic of the area may be obtained. In
the samples used here the very large and the very small farms
are, if anything, under-represented. For all their limitations, the
inventories are an invaluable source of information about the life
and times of the East Riding farmer. Confidence in them is
strengthened by the fact that they provide data consistent with
that obtained from other sources.
The inventories are not equally informative about the crops
grown. Most of them do no more than assign a value to the 'Crop
on the ground’ or the 'Corn sown’. Acreages remain unknown.
Less than 60 out of a total of almost 500 inventories examined for
the period 1688-1743 give the information required for an analysis
of the cropping. Table 1 shows the sample for Holderness and
includes a recorded sown acreage of a little more than 353 acres.
1 The method of analysis follows the lines pioneered by Dr. Hoskins in
Leicestershire and used by Dr. Thirsk in her Lincolnshire studies. Since com-
parative studies will eventually become possible in different areas some
uniformity of treatment would appear to be desirable. In the discussion
below, the term ‘average’ is used throughout to denote the median.
124
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
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but is said to be awaiting seed, it has been included in the appropriate
column. Otherwise fallows have been excluded.
AGRICULTURE OF THE EAST RIDING OF YORKS., ETC. 125
Wheat was the most important grain crop in Holderness.
Together with the very small acreage of rye (the other winter
grain) it occupied rather more than half the sown acreage on the
sample farms. Equally significant, it was grown by almost all the
farmers. By the late seventeenth century rye appears to have been
of negligible importance in Holderness, even as a mixed crop with
wheat. Oats and barley together took up less than a fifth of the
sown area of the farms. The importance of beans (probably with
some peas) is clear: they occupied nearly a third of the ground
sown and were grown by the majority of the farmers. The table
reflects the character of so many of the soils of this district.
Holderness clay was essentially wheat and bean land.
A similar sample taken from the inventories of fourteen
wold farmers who died between 1688 and 1738 covered a sown
area of 493 acres. On the wold farms in the sample barley rivalled
wheat as the chief grain crop. Several farmers grew some rye, but
the acreage is rarely specified, the rye and the wheat being listed
together in the inventory. Wheat, rye and barley occupied to-
gether almost 60 per cent of the recorded sown area. Furthermore
they were grown by almost all farmers. Even where no acreage
is given there are usually other indications, in the form of stocks
in the barn or land ready for sowing, that these crops were
generally grown. William Gibson of Anlaby, for example, had
wheat and rye worth more than £18 stored in his barns in the
autumn of 1693, though none is mentioned in his fields.1 In
Skidby Thomas Thompson, whose inventory records the acreages
of wheat, rye, beans and peas on the farm, had a piece of land
made ready for sowing barley in the spring of 1691. 2 It is not
possible to distinguish satisfactorily between the individual
acreages of oats, peas and beans on the wold farms, but all except
two farmers grew peas and beans. The inventories of the two
exceptions were made during midwinter and it is probable that
these men actually intended to grow some.3 The contrasts with
Holderness are considerable. Barley was a more important crop
on the lighter chalklands. On the wolds the spring-sown crops
(barley, beans, peas and oats) occupied about 70 per cent of the
sown area, but in Holderness winter- and spring-sown crops
occupied the land in almost equal proportions.
The wold sample prompts a note of caution. Most of the
farmers represented in it lived on the low wolds, in places like
Hessle, Risby, Skidby and Anlaby. There is reason to believe
that if more farmers from the high wolds had appeared in the list
the picture would have been different. In Wetwang, for instance,
barley and oats were the principal grain crops early in the
eighteenth century.4 Very little wheat was grown, " the Land
1 Inventory dated Sept. 1693.
2 Inventory dated March 1691.
3 One had in fact some land called ‘pea ground’.
4 ‘Old Account’ of Wetwang.
126 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
not being strong enough for that Grain”. The sample may thus
over-emphasise the importance of wheat on the wolds as a whole,
and fail to give due weight to the barley and oat crops.1
The inventories of twenty-two farmers who lived in the
Vale of York covered a sown acreage of 371 acres. Here wheat
and rye together occupied almost 40 per cent of the land sown.
As compared with other parts of the county a high proportion of
the farmers grew both wheat and rye. This is not surprising in
view of the sandy nature of much of the land in the south-eastern
part of the district, which would favour rye. Oats occupied about
a fifth and barley about an eighth of the cropped land. Beans
and peas were nearly as important as the oat crop. Several Vale
farmers grew crops other than those listed in table 1. Five had
some rape (from less than an acre to nearly ten acres), and two
grew hemp. An examination of a number of inventories from this
district showed that a significant number of farmers (twenty-
eight out of one hundred and twenty-one, 23.1 per cent) had
hemp on their farm at the time of their death. It will be noticed
that there is no mention of the crops of the new husbandry.
These were just coming into the fields of the Riding at the end of
the period. The inventories confirm what other sources suggest,
namely that it was not until well into the second half of the
eighteenth century that turnips and seeds became common.
The farmers of the East Riding produced other things besides
crops. Their livestock and livestock produce were well known
far beyond the county boundary.2 The inventories reveal something
of the animal husbandry.
Most farmers kept some cattle in the 1690’s, for the plough,
for milking, for meat, or for sale. Two hundred inventories (100
each from the wolds and Holderness) dated between 1690 and
1700 show that all but nine farmers on the chalklands and four
in Holderness had at least one beast. In the Vale only two (out of
sixty-four) had no cattle.
The largest cattle owner in the 1690’s was John Townson
of Salthaugh, in the parish of Keyingham. This wealthy farmer
(his personal estate was valued at £1680 in 1693) had a herd of
cattle in which there were 17 feeding oxen, 9 draught steers and
10 other steers, 25 young beasts, 14 cows and a bull, worth more
than £300 all told.3 But this was an exceptionally large herd,
even in Holderness where the average farm carried more beasts
than its counterpart on the wolds and in the Vale of York.
1 Cf. the statement of the reporter to the Royal Society in 1665 about
the Hunsley and Bainton Beacon divisions of Harthill Wapentake: “our
Crop [is] barley, wch. is alwayes expended or Converted into mault”. On
the higher wolds “They sow noe winter Corne” (from a copy of the original
in the University library, Hull).
2 See, for example, T. S. Willan, The English Coasting Trade, 1600-
1750, 1938, pp. 85, 120-21, for products shipped out of the county.
3 Inventory dated Nov. 1693. The average value of the estate recorded
in 100 Holderness inventories of the 1690’s is £77. 13. 0. The figure for the
Vale (37 inventories) is £83. 6. 8., and for the wolds (72 inventories) £90.
AGRICULTURE OF THE EAST RIDING OF YORKS., ETC. 127
Townson was stocking more than five times the number found
on the average Holderness farm of the time. Three out of four
farmers in his district left fewer than 30 head when they died.
The average Vale farm in the 1690’s carried a slightly smaller
herd of beasts, with 12 head, and the wold farm an even smaller
stock, with only 8. The inventories for the latter part of the
period under discussion indicate that cattle farming became
increasingly important in the two lowland areas, but there was
little change in the numbers kept on the wolds, where water
supplies were a constant problem. It would be of some interest
to trace the changes following the widespread cattle plague of the
1740’s and early ’50’s, for this was acute in Holderness.
Farmers in all parts of the Riding kept sheep, but these
animals were especially numerous on the wolds, where they grazed
the permanent pastures, the fallows and the ley lands and provided
dung for following crops in the process. In the 1690’s 83 out of
100 wold farmers had sheep, against 73 and 69 in the Vale and
Holderness respectively. The wold flocks varied Considerably in
size, from half-a-dozen to nearly a thousand, but the average farm
carried 27 in the decade 1690-1700. This was nearly three times as
many as the number carried by its counterpart in the lowlands.1
The value of sheep to the wold farmer may be expressed in another
way. Nearly 400 inventories assign a value to both sheep and
cattle on the same farm. When the two are differentiated for the
period 1688-1743 it is found that six out of ten wold farmers
possessed flocks of sheep of a value equal to, or greater than,
their herds of cattle, but this was true of less than one in ten in
the lowlands.
Horses and oxen were used for draught purposes. In the
1690's nine out of ten farms in the county had at least one horse
on them. The average farm carried four. The remaining livestock
may be mentioned briefly. Pigs were a common sight about the
farm. One or two were kept on most holdings. About the farms,
too, ran the poultry. Half the Holderness inventories and two in
five from the other districts mention some poultry.
The pre-enclosure farmer was typically a man with several
interests. Robert Marr, yeoman, of Skidby, the value of whose
personal estate was near the average for the wolds in the 1730’s,
illustrates the point.2 Marr had 90 sheep and lambs, 6 horses,
2 cows, 2 oxen, 8 young beasts, and some pigs and poultry. About
the farm lay his plough and harrows, a waggon, and a heap of
manure. Stored away in the chambers were six quarters of wheat,
and in the summer of 1738 corn worth £36 was growing in the
open fields of Skidby. There were many others— poorer and
richer — like Marr.
1 The average lowland farm carried ten.
2 Inventory dated June 1738. His personal estate was valued at
£167. 10. 0. The median value of 68 wold inventories (1707-42) works out
at £160. This compares with £134. 6. 0. for Holderness (100 inventories),
and £90 for the Vale of York (51 inventories).
128
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
In this short paper it has not been possible to do more than
indicate some of the features of the agriculture of the East Riding
before the era of accelerated change began. There are numerous
gaps. The houses, the social status and the markets of the farmer
have received scant attention and must await treatment on
another occasion. But if it directs attention to the wealth of
unexplored material still awaiting investigation the article will
have served its purpose.
129
THE EXCAVATION OF BEAKER BURIALS
AT STAXTON, EAST RIDING, 1957
By I. M. Stead, B.A.
For five weeks in August and September, 1957, the writer
supervised excavations for the Inspectorate of Ancient Monuments,
Ministry of Works, at Staxton, in Willerby parish, in the East
Riding. The excavations adjoined the site of a Filling Station on
the south side of the main York-Scarborough road, about two
hundred yards to the west of Spital Corner (Grid ref. TA.023794).
Excavations from 1936-47 in the sand pit behind the Filling
Station had established the presence of an Anglian inhumation
cemetery and it seemed likely that a proposed extension of the
present buildings would reveal more of this cemetery.
Previous Excavations : The Anglian Cemetery.
The Anglian cemetery was discovered by T. C. M. Brewster,
of Flixton, during quarrying operations in the sand pit to the
south of the Filling Station.1 Thirty-eight graves, twenty-one
with grave-goods, were excavated by Brewster in 1936-7; the
finds and records of this excavation were deposited in Scarborough
Museum and later removed to Hull where they appear to have
been lost during the War. Finds salvaged from the site during
1937-8 came into the hands of the late T. Shepherd, Curator of
Hull Museum, who published some material in 1938. 2 In 1939,
T. L. Gwatkin, then Curator of Scarborough Museum, directed
further excavations the finds from which, together with some
photographs, are now in the Scarborough Museum.3 Finally,
Brewster excavated eight more graves in 1947 and another in
1952. The majority of the Anglian finds from Staxton are in the
Mortimer Museum at Hull, some are in the Scarborough Museum,
and others in T. C. M. Brewster’s collection.
1 I am greatly indebted to Mr. Brewster for information about previous
excavations on the site, for his help in organising the 1957 excavations, and
for the benefit of his advice and opinions during the course of these ex-
cavations.
2 Shepherd, T., The Naturalist, 1938, 1-23, 109-114, 165-71, reprinted
in Hull Museum Publications, No. 195. Shepherd is vague as to the exact
provenance of the finds. He states that he first heard of the discovery in
April, 1937, when human bones were found during the construction of a
petrol pit — which would be in front, to the north, of the Filling Station —
and implies that the Anglian finds came from here. Brewster, who ex-
cavated some of the finds published by Shepherd, assures me that they
came from the sand pit behind, to the south of, the Filling Station.
3 I am grateful to Mr. T. L. Gwatkin and to Mr. F. C. Rimington for
information about this excavation.
130
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
STAXTON , E . R. 1957
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EXCAVATION OF BEAKER BURIALS AT STAXTON, E.R.
131
1957 Excavations.1
Staxton lies on the southern edge of the Vale of Pickering
just to the north of the Wolds, and the subsoil consists of chalk
and flint gravel overlying sand (cf. p. 143-4). Over most of the site
the subsoil was reached at a depth of about 1' 4", but just to the
south of the main road, in B.VI, it fell away to almost 3'. A 23'
grid was laid out with the intention of excavating 20' squares,
and trenches 20' by 5' were first excavated behind the Filling
Station. No burials were discovered here, so further trenches
were excavated to the east of the buildings; here, skeletons were
found. Three squares were stripped completely, and two more
partly, the excavation of B.VI and C.IV being restricted owing
to the presence of a hedge and trackway respectively.
Burials :
Traces of eleven skeletons and two Beakers were found, but
no Anglian gravegoods. The nearest well-attested Anglian burial
was at least a hundred feet away and there can be little doubt
that all the burials found during the present excavations were
prehistoric. Some of the burials had been disturbed by ploughing,
and most of the bones were in a poor state of preservation,
requiring treatment with cellulose acetate before they could be
moved.
Burial 1 lay immediately on the subsoil, with no trace of a
grave-pit, and had been badly disturbed by ploughing. The
orientation was north-south, with the head to the south.
Burial 2 was in a well-defined hollow in the subsoil; 7' long
by 3' wide, with its base between 1 ' 6" and 2' below ground level.
Parts of the legs and one arm of a crouched inhumation, orientated
east-west with the head to the west, were found in situ. The
burial was too deep for the remainder of the bones to have been
disturbed by ploughing alone, but it seems possible that it had
been originally discovered during ploughing and partially ex-
cavated.
Burial 3 consisted of a heap of long bones and two groups
of skull fragments associated with an A-Beaker (Fig. 7, no. 1),
half of which had been ploughed away, and a flint blade with no
secondary working. Presumably this burial had been disturbed
by ploughing and the heap of bones re-buried.
Burial 4 was a contracted inhumation, orientated east-west,
with the head at the west end facing south. It rested immediately
on the subsoil and there was no sign of a grave-pit.
1 Thanks are due to Messrs. Shell-Mex and B.P., Ltd., and Messrs.
Appleton and Arundale, Ltd., for permission to excavate. Messrs. T. C. M.
Brewster, D. Britton, J. G. Hirst, J. G. Rutter, and G. F. Willmot visited
the site during the course of the excavation. The Beakers and flints are
now in the Scarborough Museum, and the skeletal remains have been
deposited in the Duckworth Laboratory of Physical Anthropology, Cam-
bridge LTniversity.
132
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
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EXCAVATION OF BEAKER BURIALS AT STAXTON, E.R.
133
Burial 5 (PL lib., cf. Fig. 2) was a contracted inhumation
with the left forearm under the vertebrae and the right fore-arm
twisted back so that the radius and ulna were immediately below
the humerus. Most of the bones of the feet were missing. The
burial was orientated east-west, with the head at the west end
facing south. A large flint block, 18" by 12" by 7", rested on the
chest of the skeleton and two smaller flint blocks also overlay
the burial. There was no sign of a grave-pit, and the skeleton
rested on the subsoil at a depth of 2' 8".
Burial 6. A few fragments of human bone, in an extremely
poor state of preservation, were found below a number of small
flint stones packed closely together over an area of about 3' 6"
by 3'. It seems likely that this is all that remains of another
crouched inhumation, (cf. p. 140).
Burial 7 (PI. Ha) was in a clearly defined oval grave-pit,
more than 6' long, nearly 3' wide, and 3' 4" deep. It was a flexed
inhumation, orientated east-west, with the head at the west end
resting on the right shoulder.
Burials 8, 9, and 9a consisted of the badly preserved remains
of infants’ skeletons in the upper parts of the grave-pits of Burials
11 and 10 respectively. Burial 8 was a crouched inhumation
orientated north-east/south-west, with the head at the north-east
end. It was not possible to determine the orientation of Burials
9 and 9a.
Burial 10 (plan, Fig. 2; section, Fig. 3) was in an oval
grave-pit almost 6' wide by 7' long and 3' deep, which cut into
the grave-pit of Burial 11. It was a contracted inhumation,
orientated east-west, with the head to the east facing south.
Burial 11 (PI. I., and Fig. 3) was in a grave-pit almost 9'
long by 5' wide and 4' deep. The skeleton was flexed, orientated
east-west with the head to the east facing south. By the skull
was an A-Beaker (Fig. 7, no. 2) standing upright, but somewhat
crushed, and nearby was the humerus of a pig. There was a flint
blade (Fig. 4) at the back of the skeleton, adjoining the ribs,
together with a piece of boxstone and a patch of dark discoloration.
It has been suggested that the flint might have been a strike-a-
light1 which is interesting in view of the association with the
boxstone.2 At either side of the grave-pit were streaks of fine
charcoal3 (cf. Fig. 3) which extended for much of the length of
the grave.
1 This was suggested to me by Mr. B. M. Fagan, Pembroke College,
Cambridge.
3 The boxstone was submitted to Miss Helen A. H. Macdonald, Geo-
logical Survey and Museum, South Kensington, who reports: “Fragment
of boxstone. Present shape appears to be natural. Most probably gave
rise to rust-coloured stain in the yellow sand.” Also cf. p. 144.
3 A sample was examined by Mr. C. R. Metcalfe, Royal Botanic
Gardens, Kew, and he reported: “This contains fragments of charcoal.
They are too small to be easily identified, but are probably Oak ( Quercus
sp.)”
134 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Pit: (plan, Fig. 2; section, Fig. 3). Adjoining the grave-pit
of Burial 11 was a small pit which overlapped it slightly in the
upper part, in such a manner that it was impossible to see the
stratigraphical relationship between the two features. The pit
measured 3' 3" by 2' 6" and was 3' 2" deep. An ox horn-core
was found in its filling, while the remains of another, badly
damaged by ploughing, were discovered in the top of the pit.
It seems probable that this pit is contemporary with the Beaker
burials and it may perhaps be compared with the so-called
‘ritual pits’ found in Neolithic and Bronze Age contexts in
Britain and on the Continent.1
Fig. 4. Flint strike-a-light and boxstone. (Scale £).
Ditches :
Three ditches, apparently all parallel, were found in the area
between the Beaker burials and the Anglian cemetery (cf. Figs. 1
and 5). Ditch C.I. is visible in the section of the sand pit. All
three were sectioned, but the only find was a small flint blade,
retouched along one edge, which came from the primary silting of
Ditch B.III. There is no dating evidence for these ditches, which
were not necessarily contemporary, though a scatter of Medieval
sherds, found in the top-soil above them but not in the ditch
filling, may suggest that they are pre-Medieval. They may possibly
have been field boundaries connected with the nearby Romano-
British settlement,2 though only five Romano-British sherds were
found during our excavations — from B.V and B.VI. The dis-
turbance in D.I and D.II was on the same alignment as the
modern buildings and the Scarborough road, and not parallel to
the other ditches. It may be a ditch, but time did not allow its
examination. The trackway (Fig. 1; section, Fig. 5, C.I), which
runs parallel with the ditches, is probably quite modern, and is
certainly later than the Anglian burials.
Packing-Stones :
Several groups of chalk blocks (Fig. 2) were found at the
northern end of the site. These appeared to have been packed
round posts, although no post-holes were visible in section. They
may possibly mark the line of a fence.
1 Glasbergen, W., Barrow Excavations in the Eight Beatitudes, 1954,
part II, pp. 150-1, for discussion and references.
3 Brewster, T. C. M., Y.A.J., xxxix, 1956-8, pp. 193-223.
Plate Ha. Burial 7. Plate lib. Burial 5.
EXCAVATION OF BEAKER BURIALS AT STAXTON, E.R
135
Fig. 5. Ditch sections: (1) top soil, (2) reddish-brown earth with some flint and chalk
gravel, (3) dark earth, (4) dark brown sandy earth, no stones; with two much darker
patches in C.I., (5) yellow-brown sand and gravel silt, (6) blown sand from sand-pit to south.
136 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Other Beakers in the Vicinity.
It seems probable that all the skeletons found during the
present excavations were prehistoric and roughly contemporary
with the two Beakers. There is no trace of a barrow, and although
one could have been removed or ploughed away,1 it seems more
likely that the Staxton burials belonged to a flat cemetery. It
should be noted that two other Beaker burials have been found
in the immediate vicinity (Fig. 6), neither associated with a
barrow.2 Furthermore, Shepherd notes that skeletons were found
when the petrol pit immediately to the north of the Filling Station
was excavated.3 He implies, but does not definitely state, that
the Anglian finds came from here, but there is proof that most of
the Anglian material came from behind the Filling Station (cf.
p. 129, n.). In the light of our excavations it now seems most
unlikely that the Anglian cemetery would have extended so far
north. If skeletons were found here, then they probably belonged
to the Beaker cemetery.
Flat cemeteries of Beaker burials are known elsewhere in
eastern England, especially in the Oxford and Cambridge regions.
Mortimer records Beakers from what may have been a flat
cemetery at Middleton-on-the-Wolds.4
Pottery.
A. Beakers. (Fig. 6).
1. An A-Beaker. Outer surface reddish-brown; inner, grey-brown with
bluish tints in parts. Core bluish-grey, changing to reddish-brown on the
outside; some particles of flint grit. Decoration formed by the impression
of a single toothed instrument: on the neck five horizontal lines of
impressions, then a band of triangles, the lower ones filled, then four
lines; on the body three lines, a band of triangles as on the neck, four
lines, then a band of pendant triangles.
2. An A-Beaker. Outer surface a drab buff, with some reddish-brown tints;
inner, light grey-brown. Core similar colour to No. 1; pieces of chalk and
flint grit, some quite large — up to 6 mm. Decoration formed by the
impression of square-toothed combs: on the neck a band of filled pendant
1 It is possible that the deliberate filling of Ditch B.III (Fig. 5, section
B.III, layer 3) is of earth obtained from levelling a barrow. But cf. p. 134.
a The Beakers marked on Fig. 5 are: (1) and (2) published here; (3)
B2-Beaker, Brewster, T. C. M., Trans. Yorks. Phil. Soc., 1951, 13-15; (4)
A-Beaker, see Appendix, p. 144. Sherds from another B-Beaker are also
recorded from Newham’s Pit, Brewster, loc. cit. A B-Beaker was found a
quarter of a mile to the east of the Staxton cemetery, at Flixton, and it
was noted that there was "slight evidence of a barrow", Dunning, G. C.,
Ant. J., xiii, 1933, 53-4.
3 Sheppard, T., op. cit., 1938, 109. ( H.M.P. , No. 195, 16).
4 Mortimer, J. R., Forty Years Researches , 1905, 353-4. Mortimer
also records a flat inhumation cemetery at Blealands Nook, Wetwang, {op.
cit., 1905, 194-200), with no gravegoods but with large and deep grave-pits
similar to Staxton Burials 7, 10, and 11. He suggests that it was a Romano-
British cemetery, but this seems unlikely; there was a scatter of Romano-
British sherds over the whole of the site but none from the grave-pits, which
suggests a pre-Roman date.
EXCAVATION OF BEAKER BURIALS AT STAXTON, E.R.
137
triangles between four horizontal lines; on the body three bands of
horizontal ‘ladder pattern’, each with the vertical impressions between
four horizontal lines, and an extra horizontal line below the lowest band.
The decoration appears to have been formed by only two instruments,
the one with four teeth and the other with eight; the former has been
used for the vertical lines on the body, the filling of the triangles, and
the lower edges of the triangles; whereas the latter has been used for the
upper sides of the triangles and for the continuous horizontal lines. A
Beaker with very similar decoration, also executed with square-toothed
combs, was found by Bateman near Bakewell, Derbyshire (Sheffield
Mus., J. 93-867).
B. Romano-British and Medieval.
The pottery scatter in the top-soil included only five sherds
which may be Romano-British — one with calcite grit and four
with corky fabric. The other sherds were Medieval (Brewster’s
'Staxton ware’, 13th-14th century) and later.
The Human Remains.
By C. B. Denston
(Duckworth Laboratory of Physical Anthropology, Faculty of
Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Cambridge).
Of the better preserved skeletons, two are male and three
female. The males are typical of their sex, the bones being large
and robust, whereas in two females the bones are small and
feminine, Eu.1.4.67 being particularly delicate. On the other
hand, the third female (Eu. 1,4.69) could be sexed with less
certainty, and although bone size and pelvic form point to the
individual being female, other features, including those of the
skull, suggest masculinity. It was also found that in two of the
females (Eu.1.4.68 and Eu.1.4.69) the deltoid tuberosities of the
humeri were more developed that in the males. The estimated
138 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
statures of the two males (Eu. 1.4.65 and Eu.1.4.66) are res-
pectively one inch above and identical with the English Bronze
Age male mean of 5' 9" (Trevor, 1956). No records at present
exist for the mean estimated statures of English Bronze Age
females. Eu.1.4.66, a male subject, has the only complete skull
but is not altogether typical of the English Bronze Age type,
though some of the measurements correspond with the male
means for that period (Morant, 1926, p. 82; 1928, pp. 368-9).
They are given, together with the English Bronze Age male means
in Table I. Though all but one of the crania are crushed, the
mandibles are in quite good condition, but the teeth in the upper
and lower jaws of at least three individuals show signs of dental
decay. Statures have been estimated from the formulae for whites
given by Trotter & Gleser (1952), but no correction has been
made for age, which cannot be anything but approximate.
Measurements on the crania and limb bones were taken according
to the techniques of Trevor (1950) and of Mukerjee, Rao & Trevor
(1955). Where a set of remains is very fragmentary it has not
been given a Laboratory number.
Burial 1.
Sex : Male?
Age : Adult.
The skull was very much broken and distorted with many
fragments missing, but has been repaired as far as possible. No
measurements could be taken on it. Also present are a number
of vertebrae, and a few other post-cranial fragments. The age of
the individual represented is hard to estimate owing to the in-
complete nature of the remains, but the few teeth present are
very much worn, suggesting that their possessor was at least
middle aged. Some of the teeth show signs of caries. Both rami
of the mandible are missing. The mental protuberance is rather
pointed.
Burial 2.
Sex : Female.
Age : Adult.
The remains of this individual consist mainly of fragmentary
shafts of long bones.
Burial 3a.
Sex : ?
Age : Adult.
This individual is represented by only a few cranial fragments.
Burial 3b.
Sex : Female?
Age : Adult.
This set consists of the fragmentary shafts of long bones and
a part of a left parietal bone. It is suggested by the excavator
that 3a and 3b belong to the same individual, as the remains had
been disturbed by ploughing and re-buried in the furrow. However,
although this could be so, there is no direct evidence to support it.
EXCAVATION OF BEAKER BURIALS AT 5TAXTON, E.R.
139
Burial 4. (Laboratory number, Eu.l .4.69).
Sex : Female.
Age : 30-40.
Stature : Approx. 5' 3".
The age of this individual is hard to determine as the bones
are so crushed, but 30 to 40 would seem to be a fair estimate of
the range in which it could fall.
Fig. 7. Beakers: (1) found with Burial 3, (2) with Burial 1 1 . (Scale 4)-
Skull.
The cranium is very crushed but the mandible nearly com-
plete. There is a persistent metopic suture. All the upper teeth
have erupted and are rather well worn. Only the roots of the
first right molar and second premolar remain, and abscesses have
formed at their tips. All the teeth of the lower jaw have erupted
except the two third molars, which do not seem to have developed.
The lower teeth are also well worn, and a large cavity in the
second right molar was caused by caries.
Post-cranial Bones.
The shaft of the femora and humeri have a rather robust
appearance for a female, and the femora look slightly bowed.
The deltoid and conoid tubercles of the clavicles are rather
prominent, giving the bones a wide flat appearance.
Burial 5. (Laboratory number, Eu.l. 4.66).
Sex : Male.
Age : 30-40.
Stature : Approx. 5' 9".
Skull.
The skull, which is now the most complete of the group,
was received in fragments but has been repaired, and in places
reconstructed with Plaster of Paris. All the teeth of the upper
140
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
jaw were present at death. They displayed considerable wear,
with the premolars and molars particularly worn on the lingual
and labial edges. There were no signs of decay. The teeth of the
lower jaw had all erupted and were present at death. They
show a similar degree of attrition to those in the upper jaw.
Probably at least one molar had an abscess at its roots. The chin
is rather square, and face narrow.
Post-cranial Bones.
The long bones are quite large and in fairly good condition.
On the right femur there are a number of shallow depressions, and
although these may be evidence of disease, it seems more probable
that they result from restricted post-burial erosion. The left tibia
and fibula, but not the right, were found to be bowed. This might
have been caused by localized earth pressure rather than by
rickets, which would have produced deformity in both limbs.
Burial 6.
Sex : ?
Age : Probably adult.
It is hard to decide what bone these fragments represent,
although a large piece could belong to either a femur or a humerus.
Burial 7. (Laboratory number, Eu. 1.4. 67).
Sex : Female.
Age : 22-25.
Stature : Approx. 5' Of".
Skull.
The cranium is crushed, but its facial portion and mandible
are in a good state of preservation. The skull may have been
brachycephalic, but accurate measurements cannot be taken
owing to post-mortem distortion. The teeth, from the canines to
the medial incisors of both upper and lower jaws, are rather
splayed out, especially those in the lower jaw, and the upper
incisors also protrude. The teeth of both jaws had all erupted
and were all present at death, being slightly worn and showing
no signs of caries.
Post-cranial Bones.
This is the skeleton of a small and very delicately built
female. The tibiae are flat and narrow. The features known as
platymeria and platycnemia are exhibited in the femora and
tibiae respectively. It is thought that platymeria (excessive
antero-posterior flattening of the femur in the upper region of its
shaft) and platycnemia (a similar side to side flattening in the
shaft of the tibia) are associated with poor nutrition.
Burial 8.
Sex : Indeterminate (young child).
Age : Not over five years.
These remains consist of the fragmentary shafts of leg bones
and a few cranial fragments.
EXCAVATION OF BEAKER BURIALS AT STAXTON, E.R.
141
Burial 9.
Sex : Indeterminate (young child).
Age : 2-3 years.
These remains consist of the very crushed fragments of a
cranium, as well as a few teeth and some other fragments of bone.
Burial 9a.
Sex : Indeterminate (young child).
Age : About two years.
These remains consist of six small cranial fragments and
four fragments of ribs.
Remarks.
I do not think that the remains to which the field numbers
9 and 9a have been assigned belong to the same person, as has
been suggested, since there are identical pieces of frontal bone
proving the existence of two individuals.
Fig. 8. Staxton Beaker no. 4, found in 1947. (Scale £.)
Burial 10. (Laboratory number, Eu. 1.4. 68).
Sex : Female.
Age : About 60.
Stature : Approx. 5' 04".
Skull.
The cranium is very crushed, and the mandible slightly
broken. The left half of the upper jaw is missing, but in the right
half there is one molar tooth, two premolars and a canine, all
considerably worn. All the other teeth were lost ante-mortem
and the cavities obliterated. Of the lower jaw, the first left molar
was lost ante-mortem and the cavity obliterated, while the second
and third left molars are worn down to the roots, and the cavity
where the third right molar had been shows evidence of an
abscess. The other teeth are moderately worn.
142
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Post-cranial Bones.
The deltoid tuberosities are well developed on the humeri of
this individual. This is more a characteristic of the male sex than
the female. There are signs of lipping on the lumbar vertebrae,
suggestive of osteo-arthritis.
Burial 11. (Laboratory number, Eu. 1.4. 65).
Sex : Male.
Age : 40-50.
Stature : Approx. 5' 10'.
Skull.
The cranium is very crushed, but the mandible is well
preserved. There is a persistent metopic suture. The teeth of
both jaws had all erupted and were all present at death, being
moderately worn. There were no signs of caries. The right upper
canine is not aligned with the tooth-row but is displaced lingually.
The roots of the incisors are very short. In the mandible the
molars and premolars are most worn on the labial edges.
Post-cranial Bones.
The long bones are large but display no anomalies.
References.
Morant, G. M., 1926. A First Study of the Craniology of England
and Scotland from Neolithic to Early Historic Times, with
Special Reference to the Anglo-Saxon Skulls in London
Museums. Biometrika, 18, 56-98.
Morant, G. M., 1928. A Preliminary Classification of European
Races based on Cranial Measurements. Biometrika, 20 B,
301-75.
Mukherjee, Ramkrishna, Rao, C. Radhakrishna & Trevor, J. C.,
1955. The Ancient Inhabitants of Jebel Moya (Sudan). Occ.
Pub. Camb. Univ. Mus. Archaeol. Ethnol. No. 3, XI, 123.
Cambridge, University Press.
Trevor, J. C., 1950. Anthropometry. Chambers’ s Encyclopaedia,
15 vols., I, 458-62. London, Newnes.
Trevor, J. C., 1956. The Racial History of Britain. The Bronze
Age. Munro Lectures, University of Edinburgh, February,
1956. (unpublished).
Trotter, Mildred, & Gleser, Goldine, C., 1952. Estimation of
Stature from Long Bones of American Whites and Negroes.
Amer. J. Phys. Anthrop., N.S., 10, 463-514.
EXCAVATION OF BEAKER BURIALS AT STAXTON, E.R. 143
Table I.
Comparison of Cranial Measurements of Eu.1.4.66 and English Bronze Age
Male Mean.
Cranial Characters and
Biometric Symbols
Individual
measurements
of Eu.1.4.66
English Bronze
Age Male
Mean
Maximum length (L)
191.5
184.5
Maximum biparietal breadth ( B )
146
149.9
Minimum frontal breadth ( B ')
99
99.7
Basi-bregmatic height ( H ')
135
134.9
Auricular height to apex (OH)
115
121.1
Frontal chord (S1/)
Parietal chord (S2')
Occipital chord (S3')
115
—
120
—
105
—
Frontal arc (Si)
129
131.1
Parietal arc (S2)
131
128.1
Occipital arc (S3)
124
117.9
Total sagital arc (S)
384
376.6
Transverse arc through bregma (T')
320
320.5
Maximum horizontal perimeter (U)
527
535.6
Foraminal length (FL)
39.3
36.1
Foraminal breadth (FB)
29.5
31.1
Basi-nasal length (LB)
100
102.9
Basi-alveolar length ( GL )
91.5
96.4
Upper facial height ( G'H )
74.0 ?
69.1
Bimaxillary breadth (GB)
83.0 ?
98.0
Bizygomatic breadth (/)
140
138.5
Nasal height (NH)
54.5 ?
49.1
Nasal breadth (NB)
21.0 ?
25.0
Orbital breadth (Ox)
44.0 ?
44.0
Orbital height (02)
Palatal length (Gg)
35.5 ?
33.0
45.4
—
Palatal breadth (G2)
36.3
42.4
Cranial index (100 B/L)
76.2
80.9
Foraminal index (100 FBfFL)
75.0
86.6
Upper facial index (100 G'H/GB)
89.1 ?
69.7
Nasal index (100 NB/NH)
38.5 ?
51.4
Orbital index (100 02/Oj)
Palatal index (100 G2/G/)
80.6
78.5
79.9
—
Surface Geology and Soil, with General Comments from a
Scientific Standpoint.
By L. Biek.
(Ancient Monuments Laboratory, Ministry of Works).
On the geological 6 in. map the site appears on Post-glacial
Sands and Gravel overlying the Chalk. Although the excavator
reported that chalk was not exposed even at a depth of some
20 feet in a nearby sandpit, it is clear from the general evidence,
and from the pH of the soil samples examined (7.90-8.50) } that
conditions are predominantly calcareous. It is likely that they
have been so throughout archaeological time. Without pollen
analysis, which was made impossible by the alkalinity of the soil,
1 By courtesy of Dr. G. W. Cooke, Rothamsted Experimental Station.
144
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
the point can perhaps not be proved but it seems probable that
these sands have never supported a heathland vegetation.
Soil samples taken by the excavator were examined in an
attempt to correlate the ditches with the burials, but without
success. However, it does not seem likely, from the evidence
available, that barrows had ever been erected over the burials.
A sample of caked sand, from immediately below the Beaker
in Burial 3, was found not to differ significantly in organic content
from a control sample taken nearby. It may be that the caking,
and also the particularly poor state of the bones in Burial 6,
resulted from differential drainage phenomena. Stone walls, for
instance, have been known1 to act as automatic drainage channels
in sandy gravel. It is possible that the flint stone 'covering’ over
Burial 6 tended to collect drainage water, thus allowing relatively
greater quantities of it to come in contact with the bones.
It seems that boxstone is not likely to produce a spark with
flint; this does not, of course, rule out the possibility of its purely
ritual use as a substitute.
Appendix.
Mr. T. G. Manby, of the Tolson Memorial Museum, Hudders-
field, has kindly provided me with the following note and drawing
(fig. 8) of the Beaker marked (4) on the distribution map (fig. 6):
"Beaker found in 1947 after a fall of the pit face. Associated
with a female inhumation.
8.5" high, 6.2" diameter at rim, 3.7" diameter at base.
Smooth brown with grey patches, black core, dark greyish
interior, calcite grit.
Incised decoration. One sherd shows the spring of a handle.
Brewster Collection.”
1 Excavations at Stanton Low, Bucks., by Margaret U. Jones (report
in preparation).
145
THE EAST WINDOW OF ST. MICHAEL-LE-
BELFREY CHURCH, YORK
By John A. Knowles, M.A., F.S.A.
The church of St. Michael-le-Belfrey (which is said to be the
last church built in the medieval gothic style in England)1 was
erected between the years 1525 and 1537. 2
Although a parish church, it was, like two others, within the
cathedral close, and was dependent on the Dean and Chapter.
There is therefore no list of vicars, as they were not instituted.
Unfortunately it was badly neglected. At a visitation in 1409 it
was reported "The carpenters and other workmen who know the
facts have told the parishioners how badly dilapidated the tower
is through neglect of the Chapter”.3
A hundred years later no repairs had been carried out, as a
visitation report of 1510 stated "the body of the kirk is fawty
both in tymer, glass windows and most specially in thak of lede
so that it raynes in in many places”.4 Something must be allowed
for the exaggerated language of all medieval tales of woe, for just
1 Excluding the seventeenth and eighteenth-century revivals of the
Gothic style, such as those at Staunton Harold, (1653-1655), Berwick-on-
Tweed (1650-1654), Brampton Bryan, Herefordshire (1656-), St. Wilfrid’s
Chapel at Brougham, Westmorland (1658), and King’s Norton, Leics.,
completed in 1775. Archaeol. Journal, cxii, p. 177.
2 The date is important as no fewer than three writers have placed
it from five to ten years too late. Bloxam, Principles of Gothic Ecclesiastical
Architecture, eleventh ed. 1882, p. 275, says that it was “commenced A.D.
1535 and was finished A.D. 1545.” Benson, Ancient Painted Glass in the
Minster and Churches of York. Yorks. Philosoph. Soc.’s Report 1915, p. 169,
says the same. The Rev. Chancellor Harrison, The Painted Glass of York,
S.P.C.K., 1927, p. 143, says “between 1530 and 1545”. The dates 1525-
1537 as given by Browne, Hist, of the Metropolitan Church of St. Peter York,
1847, vol. i, p. 271, are well authenticated. Drake, in his Eboracum, p. 340,
gives an inscription formerly on a window which recorded the laying of the
foundation stone of the church in 1525. The York Minster Fabric Rolls,
Surtees Soc., vol. 35, p. 100 note, gives a list of payments in 1526 in con-
nection with the re-building, compiled by the clerk of works, Thomas Marsar
who himself gave a window to the church in 1535, at which time the work
would be nearing completion.
3 York Minster Fabric Rolls, Surtees Soc., vol. 35, p. 247, and Raine,
Medieval York, p. 38. Two other York churches in a similar plight through
being tied to ecclesiastical foundations were St. Nicholas Ch. in Micklegate,
depending on Holy Trinity Priory, and St. Olave’s Ch. in Marygate, within
the precincts of St. Mary’s Abbey. The latter, though the most richly-
endowed church in York, became so ruinous that it had to be reconsecrated.
4 York Minster Fabric Rolls, Surtees Soc., vol. 35, p. 261.
146 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
about that time three prominent York citizens, all men of sub-
stance, were buried in the church.1
But there is enough evidence to show that the church was
in a ruinous condition and evidently beyond repair, for some few
years later it was pulled down and, as previously stated, the
foundations of a new church laid in 1525.
The glass in the east window evidently came from the
former church. Of the style of its architecture there is no record,
but some two or three of the panels of glass in the tracery have
come from windows of the flowing Decorated style. An irregular
and lop-sided kite-shape, and two tracery pieces with one side the
arc of a circle, and the other straight, were evidently part of the
tracery of a window similar to one in the east end of the north
aisle of St. Saviour’s Church of which St. Michael-le-Belfrey
window may have been a duplicate. In medieval times tracery to
stock patterns could be bought ready made, and mullions at so
much per foot, just as sashes, doors, and mouldings are supplied
now-a-days, to be walled in by jobbing masons who had neither
the skill nor the means of setting out and carving the complicated
shapes of gothic traceries.2 3
The general appearance of the window is very satisfactory.
The glass is brilliant and shows very few signs of decay, such as
is to be seen in glass of the same date in the nave of the Minster.
This shows that decay is not due to age, but to inferiority in the
manufacture of the material. The painting has been most care-
fully executed, no pains or expense has been spared, and the work
has been loaded with detail, (a Fig. 1). It is the most highly-
finished example of XIV cent, work in York. Some few years
ago the window was taken out and the glass re-arranged which
has added greatly not only to the general effect as a whole, but
to the elucidation of many interesting details.
1 These were John Stockdale, Alderman in 1506, Sir John Petty, the
glass painter and Lord Mayor of York, 1508, and Maurice Bront, an organ
builder, 1510. Hist, of York Churches, Rev. Angelo Raine. Yorks. Herald,
Dec. 7, 1921.
Sir John Petty, who lived in Stonegate, died during his year of office
and "was nobly entered at the parish church of St. Michael called the
Belframe, with the sword and mase borne by the esquyers afore the body
and corse and sex aldermen berying the sayd corse to the sayd church".
(Skaife MS. York Pub. Lib.).
3 Ely Sacrist Roll. 31 Ed. IIE "In 56 pedes de ogiffs (ogee mouldings)
empt. 16s. 4, pret. ped. 4£d.
Eton Coll. 1442 416 feet of legement table, clene, appareilled in the form
that is called casshe pece according to a mould to them (the masons)
delivered (by the clerk of the works).
Corpus Christi Coll., Oxford, 1517. "Md covenawntyd and agreed with
Wyllm Est for Vile and IIIXX footes of cresse table and severall table att
iiij the foote hyt to be made off the stone off taynton" etc.
The writer has measured between the mullions of several XIV cent,
windows in York churches. They all measure 22£ins. probably the equivalent
of the modern two feet. Some years ago a rule was found which had been
dropped behind some stalls by a workman during building operations. It
measured something short of the modern standard two foot rule.
*»
Plate I
East Window. St. Michael-le-Belfrey Church
E. WINDOW OF ST. MICHAEL-LE-BELFREY CHURCH, YORK 147
But previously the glass had suffered many vicissitudes. It
is not a complete design, but has been made up from at least
three, and possibly more, windows from the old church. Canopies
and subjects which appear on casual inspection to be parts of the
same design, on closer examination turn out to have been brought
together from different windows.
Although the new church was completed in 1537 the glass
in the east window was probably not fixed in its present position
until fifty years later. This was due to a long-continued dispute
between the parishioners and the Dean and Chapter. The Rev.
Angelo Raine has stated that “In 1571 the parishioners were
ordered to elect churchwardens, but they refused, 'they be utterlie
{a) (b)
Fig. 1. Patterns on Fillets and borders of Monkeys and Bells.
mescontented that anye elections be made'. They would not do
anything until a definite agreement was reached as to who was
responsible for the upkeep of the fabric. On Oct. 13th 1587 the
agreement was signed. The Dean and Chapter were to repair
present defects in the nave and chancel . . . and for the future
they were to keep the chancel in repair.”1 It was then, no doubt,
that the windows from the old church were brought out of store,
and cut up to fit the traceries and lights of the east window, for
in that same year the following item occurs in the Fabric Rolls
of the Minster: —
“For makinge and mendinge the glasse wyndowes in
Belfraye church £4. 13. 4. in part of payment of £13. 6. 8.”2
'Makinge’ probably referred to cutting up and fitting the
glass into its new position in the east window, and 'mendinge’
can only have applied to the windows in the clerestory which
would be (as they are to-day) of plain quarry work. Practically
all the windows in the aisles had been filled with stained glass
made after the new church was built. The Dodsworth MS.
quoted by Drake3 records the donors of three windows in the
North aisle, the Ceel (1537) Ashton (15 — ) and Sosa windows, and
1 Churches and Chapels of Medieval York . . . Lecture by the Rev.
Angelo Raine. Yorks. Herald, Dec. 7, 1921.
2 York Minster Fabric Rolls, Surtees Soc., vol. 35, p. 119.
3 Eboracum, pp. 339-340.
148 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
the Elwald (15 — ); Listar (1535), Marsar (1535), Cotman (1514),
and Beckwith (1530) windows in the south aisle. The South-east
window was in memory of William Tonson, no doubt William
Thompson, the glass-painter who died in 1 539-40. 1
The cost of fitting the old glass into the East window,
(£13. 6. 8d.) was considerable, which points to something more
than repairs. It was equal to at least £150 present value. In
medieval accounts, when a sum of money is in round figures, it
generally represents payment for work carried out by contract at
an agreed price, as opposed to what workmen call a ‘stuff and
time job’, where the bill generally adds up to odd shillings and
pence. For though at first sight £13. 6. 8d. does not look what is
commonly called nowadays ‘even money’, it is actually a round
sum, 6s. 8d. being half a mark, or one-third of £1, a figure which
still exists in lawyer’s charges, and in fines at our older universities.
The windows were evidently again repaired or re-leaded in
1746 by one who has left his name (Jeffrey Linton) and the date
surmounted by a star, painted and stained on a circle in the top
right hand of the tracery. He evidently carried out similar work
on the windows in the south aisle at the same time, for the date
1746 is to be seen at the bottom of the third light of the third
window from east.2 Linton was admitted a Freeman in 1733 as
a Plumber and Glazier. In 1741 he was living in Petergate, and
was buried in St. Michael-le-Belfrey churchyard April 22, 1767.3
There is no record of a glass-painter in York from 1709, the
date of the death of Henry Gyles, until 1752 when William Peckitt
started in business. But the above circle, painted and stained,
shows that all knowledge of the craft had not entirely died out.
A still later restoration appears to have been carried out
sometime about the middle of the nineteenth century, most
probably by Barnetts of York. In 1846 they restored the St.
Stephen and St. Laurence window in the nave of the Minster,
after having, in the previous year, made a ‘restoration’ of the
east window of the Chapter House, by making an entirely new
copy of the original glass. In 1855 they executed a window in
the north aisle of St. Michael-le-Belfrey. They, or some other,
have left traces in the east window, which indicate that some
restoration was carried out about that time. Much of the blue
glass is too pretty for XIV cent. York work.4 The writer may be
wrong, but the crockets to the canopy of the Nativity subject
(illustrated at Fig. 2c) which consist of natural leaf-forms carried
on slender stems, do not look like medieval work. The lettering
of the angelic greeting in the Annunciation subject is in Gothic
1 Glass Painters of York. VIII . The Thompson Family. J. A. Knowles.
Notes and Queries, 12s. IX, 1921; p. 163.
2 The date is reversed as the glass is back to front.
3 St. Michael-le-Belfrey Church Registers.
4 The authentic blue glass of XIV cent, date, which is of an mdigo
rather than an ultramarine tint, is to be seen in the background of the
figure of St. Paul in the left-hand light.
E. WINDOW OF ST. MICH AEL-LE-BELFREY CHURCH, YORK 149
characters instead of Lombardic, and pinnacles, which in XIV
cent, work would be cut out of pot-metal yellow, are of white
glass stained yellow all over.
All the above repairers and menders have, in their various
ways ‘improved’ on former arrangements of the glass by bringing
together pieces from various sources to make up a design. As an
example of this, we may take the two quatrefoils, one on either
side of the finial at the bottom of the canopy in No. 2 light (Figs.
3a and 4c). In the black-and-white photograph they appear to
be a perfect match, but that they are not a pair, is shown by the
fact that in one the ornament is stained yellow, and in the other,
the background. Again, take the two decorated canopies in No. 2
and No. 4 lights (vide Plate 1) which appear to be alike, and so
Fig. 2. Different patterns of crockets.
they are as far as general design goes. But that they are strangers
to one another, and have either belonged to different windows or
have been executed at different times, is shown by the above
mentioned quatrefoils, which in one case is filled with floral
ornament (Fig. 4c) and the other with grotesques of Bellerophon
and Chimaera. (Fig. 3a). The close similarity in the general
appearance of the canopies is not difficult to explain. They
would both have been painted from the same cartoon, which had
been rolled up and stored away, until wanted for another window.1
This was a common practice in York, where there are
examples of the same cartoon having been used three times.
E.g. a panel representing the Decollation of St. John Baptist appears
1 Thomas Shirley, the glass-painter, in his will made in 1456 left his
son Robert “all my full size cartoons ( pvotractoria ) appliances and necessaries”
Reg. Test. Ebor. ii. 380 d.
William Inglish, who died in 1480, bequeathed “all the appliances and
designs belonging to my work” to his son Thomas.
Reg. Test. Ebor. V. 179.
Robert Preston, who died in 1503, left to the above-mentioned Thomas
Inglish, “all my scrowles (i.e. drawings rolled up), w* one workboard.”
Reg. Test. Ebor. VI. 7la printed in Test. Ebor., Surtees
Soc., vol. iv, 216.
150
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
in the Nave of the Minster/ in St. John's, Ouse Bridge (now
removed)2 and in the North aisle of St. Denys Church.3
The slight divergences in detail in the St. Michael-le-Belfrey
glass, which are indistinguishable from the floor, but which show
that the glass came from different windows, or was not executed
all at the same time, are accounted for from the fact that in
stained glass work, the cartoonist draws out all the main features
of the canopy, such as gables, pinnacles, crockets, and finials, but
leaves the ornamentation of small circles, borders, and diapers on
backgrounds, to the individual fancy and skill of the glass-painter.
(Fig. 4).
(b)
Early Perpendicular
Canopies.
The glass has been so frequently re-arranged at different
times that it is hazardous to draw any very definite conclusions
as to its original order. But one of the original windows from
which this one has been made up, was evidently the gift of Richard
Tunnoc, who presented the famous Bell window in the North aisle
of the Nave of the Minster.4 There appears to be no documentary
1 Illustrated in the Times, Feb. 18, 1949.
2 Illustrated in Westlake. Hist, of Design in Painted Glass, vol. II, p. 59.
3 For further examples see York School of Glass Painting, J. A. Knowles,
plates XIV and XLV.
4 The above theory was advanced by the writer’s father, the late
J. W. Knowles, in his MS. on the Stained Glass of York Churches (York Public
Library) .
E. WINDOW OF ST. MICHAEL LE-BELFREY CHURCH, YORK 151
evidence to prove that he was actually a bell founder by trade,
but there can be little doubt about this, as the window depicts
the casting and turning of bells, with numerous bells hung in the
canopies above. The similarities between the Minster glass and
the present window, are so striking as to be practically conclusive.
There are figures of St. Peter and St. Paul in each, and the borders
in both consist of monkeys playing musical instruments; one of
them has what appears to be a hawk carried on a gloved hand.
The monkeys alternate with bells, some of which are inscribed
BEATI. (Fig. lb). For the following particulars of the donor,
the writer is chiefly indebted to Browne.1
Richard Tunnoc lived in his own house in Stonegate which
was confirmed to him in fee in 1311-12 by King Edward II and
granted to him by the prebendary of Osbaldwick for the annual
rent of twenty shillings. He was one of the Bailiffs of York in
Fig. 4. Varied ornament in circles and quatrefoils.
1320-1, and represented the city in Parliament in 1327. He had
a wife Agnes, a daugher, and two sons. He died in 1330 and was
buried in the Minster before the altar of St. Thomas the Martyr,
where he had founded a chantry for the repose of his soul.
The tracery is unfortunately in a very fragmentary condition.
Three of the four long openings over the centre light of the window
have been cut down from much larger panels to fit their present
situation. They contain figures of canonized deacons, one of them
St. Laurence, so that the others may have represented other
scenes from the life of that saint, or possibly from that of St.
Stephen also, since these two were rarely separated in medieval
art.2 With the exception of the figures, there are no other frag-
ments which would serve as a clue to what the scenes originally
depicted.
1 Representations and Arms in the windows of York Minster 1859 (but
not published until 1917), pp. 103 and 143.
2 There are scenes from the lives of St. Stephen and St. Laurence in
the east window of the North aisle of the choir of the Minster. Vide J. A.
Knowles. Windows in the Westernmost portion of the Choir of York Minster.
Yorks. Archaeol. Journal, Part 148, 1951. Only nine deacons received the
honour of canonization, and of these only St. Philip, St. Stephen, and St.
Laurence, are well known. The other six, Papylus, Totnan, Sina, Andrew,
Aithilahas, and Benjamin, are rarely, if ever, represented in Medieval art.
Bourges Cath. is a notable exception to what has been stated above.
Although dedicated to St. Stephen, there is no reference to St. Laurence
anywhere.
152 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
The top left-hand panel shows St. Laurence, in a blue
dalmatic with red horizontal stripes, standing sideways facing
right. He holds a pair of scales, in the left hand bowl of which
there is a demon. (Fig. 5). The other bowl and arm of the scales
is missing, with the exception of the handle and pointer, which
are now in the adjacent light.
This scene (which has been much mis-understood) repre-
sents a legend of St. Laurence which Mrs. Jameson gives as
follows: —
"One night, a certain hermit sat meditating in his solitary
hut, and he heard a sound as a host of wild men rushing and
trampling by; and he opened his window and called out, and
demanded who it was that thus disturbed the quiet of his solitude;
and a voice answered, "We are demons, Henry the Emperor is
about to die in this moment, and we go to seize his soul/’1
Then the hermit called out again, "I conjure thee, that, on thy
Fig. 5. Demon in scales held by St. Laurence.
return, thou appear before me, and tell me the result.” The
demon promised, and went on his way; and in the same night
the same ghastly sounds were again heard, and one knocked at
the window, and the hermit hastened to open it, and behold it
was the same demon whom he had spoken to before. "Now,”
said the hermit, "how has it fared with thee?” "111! to desperation!”
answered the fiend in a fury. "We came at the right moment;
the emperor had just expired, and we hastened to prefer our
claim! when lo! his good angel came to save him. We disputed
long, and at last the Angel of Judgement (St. Michael) laid his
good and evil deeds in the scales, and behold! our scale descended
and touched the earth; — the victory was ours! when, all at once,
yonder roasted fellow” (for so he blasphemously styled the blessed
St. Laurence) "appeared on his side, and flung a great golden
1 St. Henry the Emperor died in 1024. He was victorious in a battle
against the Poles, after having put his army under the protection of St.
Laurence.
E. WINDOW OF ST. MICHAEL-LE-BELFREY CHURCH, YORK 153
pot” (so the reprobate styled the holy cup) “into the other scale,
and ours flew up, and we were forced to make off in a hurry, but
at last I was avenged on the golden pot, for I broke off the handle,
and here it is” and having said these words the whole company
of demons vanished. Then the hermit rose up in the morning,
hastened to the city, and found the emperor dead; and the golden
cup, which he had piously presented to the Church of St. Laurence,
was found with only one handle, the other having disappeared
that same night.”1
The fourth opening was probably not much wider than it
is at present and has come from the tracery of a window. It
contains a scene which appears to represent the martyrdom of
St. Thomas Becket. In the foreground is a figure (head gone)
in a flowing blue (for black) garment, which reaches from head to
foot. He kneels in the attitude of prayer. On the right is an altar
with frontal and super-frontal, the latter has a fringe stained
yellow. On the altar stands a yellow chalice, partly covered with
a veil. At the end of the altar stands a tonsured ecclesiastic in
dalmatic or tunicle, the apparel of the amice stained yellow,
holding a service book in his left hand. Above is a cross which
may be a processional or archiepiscopal cross held by the ecclesi-
astic, but whether this is so or not is not clear. The cross may
have had a corpus, as there are two lines reaching to the extremities
of the cross, which may be the arms of the dead Christ. Behind
the kneeling figure are three soldiers in chain mail. The first
appears to be striking the head of the kneeling figure with his
sword. The second seems to be holding his sword like a dagger
and stabbing the man at prayer. This awkward and unnatural
way of handling a sword, was probably due to the confined space
into which the subject had to be squeezed. The hilt of the sword
is terminated by a ring. The third man is also shown in the act
of dealing a blow, his sword is shown descending at an angle of
forty-five degrees.
But though the above seems fairly conclusive and it is
difficult to see what the subject can have represented if not the
murder, there are difficulties in accepting it unreservedly. The
kneeling figure is certainly that of an ecclesiastic, for seculars did
not wear the long black cassock of the clergy, nor the habit of
the monastic orders. But in scenes representing the murder, St.
Thomas is generally shown as wearing the full Eucharistic vest-
ments of an archbishop, probably in order to aid the identification
of the subject and prevent mistakes. But it was not invariably
so. When there could be no mistake as to the identity of the
person represented, he was dressed in the appropriate costume
the scene demanded. Thus in the St. William window (c.1421)
in the Minster, St. William is shown returning to England in a
ship and wearing pallium and mitre, so there could be no con-
fusion as to whom the passenger was intended to represent.
1 Sacred and Legendary Art, vol. ii, p. 545.
154
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
But in the scene where he is riding across Ouse Bridge on horse-
back, he wears a cassock and a fur-lined amice drawn up over
the head. In the Bell window in the Nave he is shown in the
bridge scene with mitre and pallium, whilst in the same subject
in an alabaster carving in the Yorkshire Philosophical Society’s
Museum, he wears a cassock and amice.
But there is some corroborative evidence that the subject
represented the martyrdom, for at the east end of one of the
side aisles of the original church, there was an altar dedicated to
St. Thomas. Attached to this altar was the Fraternity of St.
Thomas, which, the Rev. Angelo Raine suggests, was probably
the parish guild. The guild services were held there, and there
the torches used at funerals of members of the guild were kept.1
Another point, which lends some colour to the above theory,
is that, as we have already seen, Tunnoc, the bell founder, gave a
window to the Minster, and probably one to St. Michael’s also.
He evidently venerated St. Thomas, as he founded a chantry for
the repose of his soul at the altar of the saint in the Minster,
before which he desired to be buried. The tracery panels depict-
ing the murder, may have come from a window containing a large
figure of the saint.
Representations of the murder of Becket in glass are rare,2
and in these, the head of the saint, as at Christchurch, Oxford,
is generally broken out. This was due to the decree by Henry
VIII about 1538 ‘That Thomas a Becket was no saint and all
images or pictures of him should be destroyed”, which probably
accounts for the mutilated state of the scene in St. Michael-le-
Belfrey.
The other smaller openings in the tracery are filled mostly
with fragments. There is a small figure of Christ in Majesty. He
wears a red robe and in His left hand holds a globe of the world,
on the upper half of which is shown a church, and on the lower,
wavy lines to represent water. There is also a very well-drawn
half-figure of a little angel in white, who has a bowl or some
similar object in the left hand, and is holding something in the
right. This may have been from an Agony in the Garden, but
that subject is comparatively rare in Art until a later date.
Across the top of the main lights are five canopies which,
it has been stated, “were originally in one and the same window”,
(see Plate I and Fig. 3). This, however, is wide of the mark. Two
of them are pure Decorated in style. As these appear to have
been connected with the subjects underneath, some of which, as
1 Rev. Angelo Raine. Churches and Chapels of Medieval York, Yorks.
Herald, Dec. 7, 1921.
2 For a catalogue of the seals, pictures, and representations of scenes
from the life of Becket, see Notes and Queries , 10 ser. I, June 4, 1904, pp. 450-2.
E. WINDOW OF ST. MICHAEL-LE-BELF REY CHURCH, YORK 155
we have seen, there is reason to believe were the gift of Richard
Tunnoc who died in 1330, we get an approximate date.1
The other three are very early Perpendicular, so that they
must have been executed some fifty years later. (Fig. 3). They
are alike in design, and have been painted from the same cartoons,
but not all at the same time, the centre one is evidently earlier
than the other two, as two of the pinnacles are a return to
Decorated, having been cut out of pot-metal yellow in the manner
of the previous style. The other two have been cut entirely out
of white glass, and stained yellow where required. These canopies,
though they must be classed as pure earlier perpendicular, have
been drawn by someone who was steeped in the Decorated style.
The voice is Jacob’s, but the hand is Esau’s. The shaftings are
very wide and the pinnacles are short and stumpy, and loaded
with crockets and gargoyles. (Fig. 3b).
Below the canopies is a row of figures and subjects. In the
first light are two figures side-by-side, St. Peter and St. Paul,
under dwarf canopies. St. Peter is in a blue robe over a yellow
under robe. He carries the keys in his right hand, and a church
in his left. St. Paul is in a yellow cloak over a green under robe.
He carries a book in his right hand, and his left rests on the
pommel of a sword with the point on the ground. The background
to this figure is the authentic York XIV cent, blue, which inclines
to an indigo or . slate colour. As has previously been shown, many
of the rest of the blues in this window are of more recent date.
The panel in the second light represents the Annunciation.
The Blessed Virgin is shown standing, which is unusual at this
date and, what is even more uncommon, she wears a yellow (or
gold) cloak, over a blue underskirt diapered with yellow fleurs-de-
lys. The figure of the angel is much mutilated and, as previously
stated, the angelic greeting is in Gothic instead of Lombardic
characters, so that it is probably modern.
The three panels next to be described, viz. the Nativity,
Resurrection, and Coronation, should be studied in conjunction
with the panels representing the same subjects, in the north-east
window of All Saints, North Street. The two are strikingly similar
though they have not been executed from the same cartoons, but
there is reason to believe that they are the work of the same man.
To advance such a theory is highly dangerous, for probably at no
period during the middle ages, was there so much stereotyped
work turned out, in stained glass and alabaster carving as in the
1 It is impossible to accept Benson’s statement that “the glass in the
windows dates from about 1300“ ( Painted Glass in the Minster and Churches
of York, Yorks. Philosoph. Society’s Reports, 1915, p. 169), because the
yellow silver stain has been used profusely and the earliest known example
of its employment is in the Peter de Dene window in the Nave of the
Minster, which has been assigned to 1306 or 7. Winston Memoirs, p. 277.
The earliest example which is actually dated, is a window inscribed ‘donn6
l’an de grace MCCCXIII”, at Mesnil Villeman (Manche) Jean Lafond.
Bull, de la Societe, des Antiquaires de France, 1954, p. 94.
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
1 56
fourteenth century.1 But it is in details that a man reveals his
hand, and the spirited head of a demon on the shield of one of
the soldiers in the Resurrection scene in All Saints, is both in
feeling and technique exactly like the lions rampant on the
soldiers’ shields in St. Michael-le-Belfrey.2
The All Saints window was heavily restored by Wailes of
Newcastle in 1843-4. It would be unfair to criticise the result too
strongly, for at that time the study of ecclesiology and iconography
was in its infancy. But enough of the original glass remains,
which happily shows details of treatment which are missing in the
St. Michael-le-Belfrey version.3
The Nativity
In stained glass, from the twelfth to the fifteenth century,
the Nativity was not depicted with the accessories made familiar
to us through Xmas cribs and greeting cards. The event was repre-
sented as having taken place in an apartment furnished with a
well-appointed bed, curtains, a chair and artificial lighting. The
Virgin reclines in bed, behind which the Holy Child, in swaddling
clothes, lies in a cradle supported on two posts. Sometimes the
cradle is of a form more like that of an altar (Plate 2). St. Joseph,
in the usual dejected attitude, is hunched up in a chair, his hands
resting on the handle of a stick, shaped similarly to that of a spade.
The ox and the ass look on from behind a wall in the background,
in allusion to the texts: —
"the ox knoweth his owner, and the ass his master’s crib" (praesepe
in the Vulgate), Isaiah, 1, 3.
and
"He shall lie down between the ox and the ass" Hahakkuk III, 4.
(Vulgate version).
A lighted lamp is suspended above4 and over all is a star —
the Star of Bethlehem, or more rarely (as at St. Michael-le-Belfrey)
a sun, in allusion to the promise that for believers,
"shall the Sun of righteousness arise with healing in his wings". Malachi
IV, 2.
Everywhere, for two hundred years, the Nativity was
represented in the above way, with hardly the slightest deviation,
and enough of the original glass remains at both St. Michael’s
1 An alabaster carver in Nottingham despatched in one consignment
alone no fewer than fifty-six heads of John the Baptist, which, we may be
sure, would all be practically alike. Nottingham Records, iii, 18-20.
2 Other similar details are the shape of the lamp and the way it is
suspended in the Nativity, and the gold mantle of the Virgin in both the
Epiphany and the Coronation subjects.
3 The Annunciation panel is of no help in this direction as it is entirely
modern.
4 In the fifteenth century a more naturalistic treatment prevailed. At
St. Peter Mancroft, Norwich (since it was impossible to represent a scene
taking place in the dark in a medium such as stained glass), this has been
suggested by showing angels removing part of the thatch of the roof of the
stable, so as to allow the light of the star to shine into the dark interior of
the stable. Fifteenth Century Glass in St. Peter Mancroft, Norwich. Canon
F. J . Meyrick, Plates IX and XI.
The Nativity
Goslar Cathedral, Hanover. Early NTII cent.
Chartres Cathedral. Early XIII cent
Plate II.
E. WINDOW OF ST. MICHAEL-LE-BELFREY CHURCH, YORK 157
and All Saints to show that the panels, in their original state,
adhered closely to the traditional formula. There are so many
historic examples to go by that it would be invidious to point
out how both the above restorations differ from the original
treatment.1
The subject of number four light is the Resurrection. It is
depicted in the stereotyped manner, common in the XIV cent.
Our Lord rises from the tomb, holding in His left hand a cross
with banner. On either side is an adoring angel. Below, under
three low arches, are three soldiers. The two outer ones have
shields on which are lions rampant in yellow stain. A lion rampant
would be one of the most familiar charges on a shield to York
men, for they were to be seen displayed almost everywhere, on
the shields of the famous northern families of Percy and Mowbray.
The fifth light shows the Coronation of the Blessed Virgin
which is in a very fragmentary state. Our Lord is all in gold,
and appears to be steadying a globe of the earth which rests on
His left knee, by placing the hand on the top of it where the
cross usually is, instead of supporting it with the hand beneath.
That this is the original position and that the piece of glass has
not been leaded in upside down by mistake, is shown by the
wavy lines representing the water, which are at the bottom. The
background is blue and most beautifully diapered with ornament
carefully designed to fit the space.
Across the base of the window are five panels. The first
contains a figure of St. James in a yellow robe. He wears the hat
of a pilgrim with a shell on it. The same device occurs on the
wallet or purse suspended from a cord or strap which he carries
in his left hand. He holds in his left hand a book, the attribute
of an apostle, which distinguishes him from an ordinary pilgrim.
Male has explained how St. James from the thirteenth
century, gradually assumed the garb of a pilgrim to Compostela.2
The saint stands under a richly-ornamented lancet-shaped arch.
This treatment is so strikingly similar to that of the west window
of the north aisle of the Nave of the Minster, that the writer's
father was of the opinion that they were both by the same man.3
Lights two, four, and five, contain kneeling figures of
donors on quarry backgrounds. No. 5 light contains the figure of
a man (head gone) holding the upper half of a model of a window
with carefully executed and elaborate flowing tracery of XIV
cent, style. He is under a canopy with crocketed gable. The
crockets are not cut out of separate pieces of glass and leaded in,
1 Besides those illustrated, other examples are to be seen at St. Cunibert,
Cologne, Heimersheim, Cologne Cath, Gladbach, St. Victor, Xanten, Limburg,
etc.
2 Emile Male. L’art religieux du XIII me. siecle en France, 1. 294 ff, ii .
310.
3 J. W. Knowles, Stained Glass of York Churches, MS. York Public
Library.
158
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
but are painted on the quarry background. This very unusual
treatment is not a very happy one, as to the casual observer they
do not appear at first sight, to be part and parcel of the gable
beneath. The bottom crocket on the left hand side is smaller
than the others, showing that the panel has been partly made
up from portions of others.
The other four personages appear to represent two male and
two female figures, so that there is a strong temptation to suggest
that these five figures represent the bell-founder Richard Tunnoc,
his wife Agnes, his two sons Nicholas and John, and his daughter
Katerine,1 but unfortunately there is no evidence in support
of this. The figures are on quarry backgrounds, with beautifully
designed and delicately executed ornament of trellised roses,
buds and leaves. Fig. 6 will give some indication of the beauty
of this work, which is unfortunately hardly visible from the floor.
The quarries have the usual border about half-an-inch wide,
stained yellow on the two top edges, but instead of being left
plain (as they generally are) they are richly ornamented. At the
apex of the quarry is a nail of the pattern frequently to be seen
in the iron-work on church doors. (Fig. 6). This form of orna-
Fig. 6. Diaper of Roses and Rosebuds on quarries behind donors.
menting quarries was derived from the trellis used for filling
windows before the introduction of glass, and from the vines and
similar climbing plants which grew up the walls outside in the
churchyard. Holinshed, writing in the time of Queen Elizabeth,
states 'Of old time in our country houses, instead of glass, they
used much lattice, and that made either of fine wicker, or refts of
oak checquerwisek In the middle ages, making wood lattice was
1 Browne, Representations and Arms in the Windows of York Minster,
1859, p. 143.
E. WINDOW OF ST. MICHAEL-LE-BELFREY CHURCH, YORK 159
a regular trade. Henry Gyles, great-grandfather of Henry Gyles
(1645-1709) the famous York glass painter, is described in the
Freeman’s Roll as a ‘trellessmaker’.
Across the top of the tracery of the window are shields of
arms, and for a description of these, I am indebted to my late
father’s MS. in the Public Library, on the glass of the York
Churches.
(i) Vair. arg. and az. a fesse gu. (Marmion)
(ii) Gu. a cross flory or. (Latimer)
(iii) Gu. a chevron inverted arg. a chief pily gu. and arg. (unidentified)
At the top of the central light are two shields: —
(i) Quarterly arg. and az. the first charged with a fleur-de-lys or.
(Metham)
(ii) Arg. a maunche sa. (Hastings)
Dean Purey Cust1 says that the family of Hastings bore a
red maunche as their arms, but they probably changed it to
black after the execution of Lord Hastings in 1483, described by
Shakespeare in Richard III , Act ii, Sc. 4.
1 Heraldry of York Minster, i, 32.
160
THE DISCOVERY OF REINDEER BONES
IN STUMP CROSS CAVERNS, GREENHOW
HILL
By Major E. R. Collins, D.S.O.
In April, 1956, Mr. George Gill, the owner of Stump Cross
Caverns, opened up a new passage leading from the main cave,
which was originally discovered by lead miners in 1860. In doing
so, Mr. Gill disclosed a stalagmite floor from which protruded the
ends of two bones. (Plate I). He did not disturb the bones, but
collected several others from the mud under the flooring. These
he took to Mr. H. J. Stickland, F.S.A., who cleaned them and
sent them to the British Museum for identification, where they
were recognised as reindeer.
With the help of assistants, Mr. Gill then continued to work
on the site, with astonishing results. Large quantities of reindeer
bones were recovered and, when cleaned, were sent to me for
preservation and repair.
Most of the bones were in a fragmentary condition due to
crushing by rocks fallen from the roof, after which they were
covered by a second formation of stalagmite, which sealed them
up once more.
After careful study and assembling — in which I was ably
assisted by my daughter — it became evident that the major parts
of three animals and some bones of a fourth were represented; an
adult and three younger beasts of different ages.
It has been possible to reconstruct the near side of a complete
skeleton, except for the breastbone, which is fragmentary, and
also the entire pelvis of the adult animal. (Plate II).
Unfortunately, so far, only the occipital and part of the
parietal bones of one skull holding a broken antler have been
recovered.
Reindeer bones have been found in the caves of Wharfedale
and Ribblesdale in the Pennines and in Kirkdale Cave in the
North Riding; also in the Pleistocene deposits in the Vale of York
as well as in the Holderness area— but in Stump Cross the quantity
is unique.
There is no evidence that any part of the caves has ever
been inhabited by man or animals.
The bones were probably deposited during the closing phase
of the last maximum glaciation, some 15 — 20,000 years ago.
The cave is of the pot-hole type, with water still running in
the lower levels. The bone site is some forty feet below the present
ground level and a considerable distance from any natural entry
Plate I.
A femur and metatarsal bone in situ, 1 ft. below the original stalagmite floor.
DISCOVERY OF REINDEER BONES IN STUMP CROSS CAVERNS 161
pRovnsicm section <*tfw ossiferous deposits in the
HEW CAVE, STUMP CROSS CAVERN,
»TELY BRIDGE, YORKSHIRE, JUNE IJSJ .
tcau
UBS T.
uoim floor.
CfBPiQ2ti WTTH SLOCKS
or raw limestone
of
SJAUflATII, RENDER
Somes near surface.
FKKMEKTOFQLD
mu^srnnooR
awacux.
cuwev »ko.
STRATIFIED <5 SEi O Kl ..
frVnUTW OM0.
UMWWED 8R0W»JRi^
QREV Cuts' <-,Auin# .
FRAGMENT OF OLD
STALAGMITE FLOOR..
5 WALL ANGULAR,
SLOCKS OF HARD
Brown cuv m
A MATRIX OF
SOFT QKEV CiXV-
WWIER LAID SANDS
AND CUW WTH
^ SLOCKS CF LIMESTONE
showing m-#rra
DECOMPOSITION,
mopcawxtto
Fig. 1.
162 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
other than, possibly, a “swallow hole” of which there is no trace
left, so it would seem likely that the small herd of reindeer was
grazing on the tundra at the height of the short summer, when
melting ice water and mud suddenly swept down on them from
higher ground, due to the collapse of an ice dam. This could have
washed them down through a “swallow hole” to the underground
stream which was then flowing at that level and so to the fissure
in which they were found. This fissure measures, roughly, 6 feet
by 3 feet and is situate where the water coming through the cave
flowed down to a lower level.
That the bodies were much swirled about while they were
disintegrating is obvious from the non-anatomical relationship of
the bones when discovered.
It is interesting to note that in 1923 I discovered a late
Creswellian occupation site on the shore of Gouthwaite Reservoir
and, subsequently, four more in the vicinity. These would be,
roughly, contemporaneous with the deposition of the reindeer
bones. From here, Greenhow Hill is just over the watershed in
Wharfedale, five miles away.
Dr. A. J. Sutcliffe of the British Museum, paid a flying visit
to the cave in 1956 and I have to thank him for suggesting that a
section should be cut through the deposits to the rock bottom.
This has been partially carried out under the direction of Mr.
Gill, who has excavated to a depth of 12 feet 6 inches, but the
bottom has not yet been reached.
In 1957 Dr. Sutcliffe spent two days at the cave and drew a
transverse section of the deposits in the fissure in detail (Fig. 1).
In conclusion I wish to thank Mr. Gill for his work on this
site and for the facilities he has given me for studying the section
and the bones in situ. Thanks are also due to the volunteer workers
who helped in clearing the fissure and retrieving the bones.
Particularly I would like to thank Dr. Elizabeth Travers, whose
careful handling brought many of the bones to light in good
condition and who obtained for me the Vinumal in which they
are preserved, and also Dr. Sutcliffe for the valuable drawing of
the geological section shown in Fig. 1.
Plate II.
(«) Skeleton of the near side of a reindeer, constructed from the bones
of three of the four reindeer found.
(b) Complete pelvis of the adult reindeer. Scale in comparison with the
skeleton 4/r
163
Acknowledgements.
The publication of the article on The Defences of Isurium
Brigantum (pp. 1-77) has been made possible by grants from the
Council of British Archaeology and the Roman Antiquities
Committee of the Yorkshire Archaeological Society, and that on
the Excavation of Beaker Burials at Staxton (pp. 129-144) by one
from the Ministry of Works. The second part of the Crayke article
— The Trial Excavation (pp. 99-111) — has been assisted by subven-
tions from Mr. E. J. W. Hildyard and Mrs. J. Knowles of Crayke,
and that by Major E. R. Collins on The Discovery of Reindeer Bones
in Stump Cross Caverns (pp. 160-162) by the Harrogate Group of
the Yorkshire Archaeological Society. Subventions have been
received from the following contributors towards the cost of their
respective articles : — Mr. J. Addy (pp. 112-118), Mr. A. S. Harris
(pp. 119-128), and Mr. J. A. Knowles (pp. 145-159).
The thanks of the Society are extended to all who have
helped so generously.
164
REVIEWS
History of Richmond School, pp. 230, by L. P. Wenham (printed
Herald Press, Arbroath, and obtainable from the Secretary,
Old Boys’ Association, Richmond School, Richmond, York-
shire, 21s.)
School histories are not usually among the loftiest forms of
historiography. Everyone has seen the kind of school history
written by an Old Puddletonian, and having very little value or
interest to anyone save his fellow O.Ps. This sort of work
typically exaggerates both the antiquity of the foundation and
its educational status, supplies with ingenious conjecture the data
for which there is no factual evidence, and concludes with a dozen
or so pages listing eminent O.Ps. (whom no-one but a fellow O.P.
has ever heard of), or perhaps with a whole chapter — overwritten
and over-illustrated- — devoted to the author’s reminiscences of
Dear Old Bonzo’s wise and witty speech when he opened the new
Fives Court in 1924. Mr. Wenham’s history is emphatically not
of this class.
It has, naturally and properly enough, a special interest for
Old Richmondians. But it is also a serious historical work. Mr.
Wenham brings to light and lays before his readers not only a
mass of archival material but also a scholarly interpretation of
it, of the greatest possible interest to anyone concerned with the
history of Yorkshire in general, or Richmond in particular. For
that matter any schoolmaster interested in the history of his
ancient craft, and in the story of the institutions in which that
craft is practised, will find in the book much to enlighten him and
to occupy his attention, even if he has never been in Yorkshire
in his life, and concerning Richmond knows only (quite in-
correctly) that it is in Surrey.
Richmond School is among the most ancient of Yorkshire
foundations. It is well recorded from 1393, and of extant York-
shire grammar schools, perhaps only eight or nine, ranging from
York St. Peter’s, A.D. 705, to Barnsley, A.D. 1370, can claim a
higher antiquity. (It is true that each of these has been subject
to refoundation, but so has Richmond— in 1567.) Richmond is
then one of the handful of mediaeval school foundations in the
County, and its detailed history is all the more worth recording
because of this.
Its story is full of picturesque historical detail — one of the
earliest known incidents relating to it tells how in 1487 after the
uproars of the Wars of the Roses, Durham needed an able school-
master— and tried (whether successfully it does not appear) to
lure away the master from Richmond. In Tudor times it shows
the townsfolk gaily bamboozling the royal Chantry Commissioners,
REVIEWS
165
and converting or preserving to educational and religious and
municipal uses the properties of no less than six of the nine
chantries in the town. They retained their illicit gains for some
twenty years, and this fortunately for the school, for when the
Crown caught up with them in 1567, they then endowed out of
the chantry lands the ‘Free Grammar School of the Burgesses of
the Borough or Town of Richmond in the County of York’. This,
which was duly chartered on 14th March 1567, is the refounded
school which flourishes to this day. ( Floruit — Floreatl)
Many others besides Mr. Wenham will delight in the story
of the past and wish the School well in the future. They may
then (to quote the words adapted from the School Prayer)
remember with thanks “its founders and benefactors, by whose
benefit this School is brought up to godliness and good learning”.
Such (like the present writer) will trust that for another six
centuries the School may “answer the good intent of its founders”,
and bring forth “profitable members of the Church and Common-
wealth”.
W. E. Tate.
Beverley Corporation Minute Books (1707-1835), 1958. Edited by
K. A. Macmahon. Published by the Yorkshire Archaeological
Society, Record Series, Vol. CXXII, xxvi + 166 pages.
This useful guide to the contents of the Beverley Corporation
Minute Books is preceded by a scholarly and perceptive intro-
duction. Beverley Corporation was relatively simple in structure,
consisting of thirteen Aldermen, one of whom each year was
elected Mayor, together with thirteen Capital Burgesses or
Chambermen elected annually by the burgesses at large from a
list of twenty-six burgesses selected wholly by the Mayor and
Aldermen. There were occasional clashes between the two groups,
as in 1802, 1803 and 1828, but a more detailed study would be
necessary to ‘explain’ them fully. The references in the notes of
the Minutes are less full than the statements in the introduction.
Mr. Macmahon discusses in addition Council meeting procedure,
the development of committees, the rights and obligations of
freemen, Corporation patronage, relations with the Minster and
the parish church of St. Mary, the Grammar School charities,
finance, pastures, civic improvement, relationships with other
towns, petitions to Parliament and the work of the M.Ps. Three
points are of particular interest. First, the ‘hand-to-mouth’
system of small town finance produced more than one crisis, and
specially appointed Finance Committees had important recom-
mendations to make, as in 1816. There were no Standing Com-
mittees in Beverley, but the Finance Committees were often
making what were in effect ‘general purposes’ proposals. Second,
the control of fields and pastures remained important throughout
this period, at a time when the Corporation was bound to pay
attention to very different kinds of economic development both
166 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
in Beverley and outside. Third, there were few intimations before
1835 of the imminence of reform. The impending dissolution
of the old Corporation under the Municipal Corporations Act is
scarcely noticed in the last of the Minute Books, and there was no
civic protest when the Commissioners notified their intention of
holding an inquiry into ‘the existing state’ of the Corporation in
1833. Two other points might have been usefully discussed at
rather greater length in the introduction — first, what Mr. Mac-
mahon calls ‘the changing social character of the town’ which
left its impact not only on the problems with which the Corpora-
tion was concerned but on the functional composition of the
Council itself, and second, the office of Mayor.
The main body of this volume consists of brief notices under
each year of minutes which ‘could be considered to have some
significance and illustrative value’. Sometimes the entries, as is
inevitable, are tantalisingly brief, but taken together they consti-
tute a valuable index which will be helpful to future scholars.
The word ‘minutes' is itself, of course, somewhat misleading.
Apart from unevenness of reporting, in no single instance in any
of the four volumes Mr. Macmahon summarises is there formal
authentication of the entries by the signature of the Mayor, the
subscription of those attending, or a declaration at a subsequent
meeting that the orders and decisions were read over and con-
firmed by those then present. Properly speaking, as Mr. Macmahon
remarks, the four volumes approximate more closely to Memoranda
Books than Minute Books. Given the range of their contents,
they ‘cannot be regarded as being a complete record of affairs and
matters discussed at meetings of the Corporation’.
Asa Briggs.
Some introductory notes on the Early Church in Asia Minor,
pp. 63, by E. C. Hudson (printed Herald Press, Arbroath, and
obtainable from S.P.C.K., Stonegate, York, 5s.)
This work, by a vice-president of the Society, consists of 10
papers, each dealing with an aspect of early church history in
Asia Minor. It covers an area and a subject little known to the
general reader. It presents the findings of modern church
scholarship, the results of recent excavations and the latest inter-
pretations of the epigraphic evidence in a concise and scholarly
fashion. This, coupled with the author’s intimate knowledge of
the localities described, makes it a valuable and readable book.
It should prove especially useful to ordinands.
L. P. W.
167
CORRIGENDA ET ADDENDA.
Yorks. Archaeological Journal, Parts 155 & 156.
“The Fourteenth Century Fire at Selby Abbey”. Pages
451-454. By an unforgivably careless mis-reading of the regnal
year by which were dated the letters of Privy Seal referred to in
the additional note on page 454, the year is wrongly given as
1344 instead of 1342. The fire then cannot have occurred later
than May 1342, in which month the first petition to be excused
the granting of the corrody to John de Queldrik was probably made.
The dates of the letters in the third paragraph of the note
(page 451) and of all references to the fire are to be amended to
1342. The fourth paragraph is to be ignored.
A closer examination of the transactions made in the Chapter
House as entered in the Gaddesby register has proved inconclusive,
since the terms “in capitulo nostro” and “in domo nostra capitu-
lari” seem to be synonymous. But if the register scribes intended
a difference, the first term, with one exception in 1348, was in
use between 1342 and 1357, and from 1358 “in domo nostra
capitulari” is used invariably.
It would appear then, that the fire damage in the Chapter
House at least, was not so very extensive.
G. S. Haslop.
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THE
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archaeological Journal.
PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF
THE COUNCIL
OF THE
U?orft0bire archeological Society.
Part 158.
(BEING THE SECOND PART OF VOLUME XL.)
[ISSUED TO MEMBERS ONLY].
PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY BY
The West Yorkshire Printing Co. Limited, Wakefield.
MCMLX
CONTENTS OF PART 158.
(1 being the Second part of Volume XL.)
THORNBOROUGH CURSUS, YORKS.
Faith de Mallet Vatcher, F.S.A.
AN IRON AGE SITE AT DRIFFIELD, EAST RIDING, YORKS.
Judith T. Philips
DIVES HOUSE BARN at Dalton, Near Huddersfield
Frank Atkinson, B.Sc., F.M.A.
NOTES ON THE EARLY GENERATIONS OF THE FAMILY OF
CONSTABLE OF HALSHAM
Sir Charles Clay, C.B., F.B.A.
SIR GEORGE SAVILE, EDMUND BURKE, AND THE YORK-
SHIRE REFORM PROGRAMME, FEBRUARY, 1780
Ian R. Christie
MESOLITHIC FLINT AXES FROM THE WEST RIDING OF
YORKSHIRE
J. Davies and W. F. Rankine
A RING-MARKED ROCK, The Grey Stone, Harewood Park
E. T. Cowling and C. E. Hartley
PORTRAIT OF A YORKSHIRE SQUIRE: JOHN FULLERTON
OF THRYBERGH (1778-1847)
J. T. Ward
DEFENCE MEASURES FOR THE WEST RIDING 1586
Michael Chadwick
THE PRE-CONQUEST CHURCHES OF YORK: with an Appendix
on Eighth-Century Northumbrian Annals
Kenneth Harrison
A STUDY IN THE MANORIAL HISTORY OF HALIFAX PARISH
IN THE SIXTEENTH AND EARLY SEVENTEENTH
CENTURIES. PART I
Martha J. Ellis
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
A. S. Harvey
SEVEN ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERIES IN YORKSHIRE
Peter Wenham
page
169
183
192
197
205
209
215
217
227
232
250
265
298
Illustrations.
Thornborough Cursus, Yorks.
Figs.: 1, p. 170; 2, p. 172; 3, p. 174; 4, p. 176.
Plates: I, facing p. 170; IIa and 11b, facing p. 172; IIIa and I11b, facing
p. 178.
An Iron Age Site At Driffield, East Riding, Yorks.
Figs.: 1 , facing p. 183; 2, facing p. 184; 3 and 4, p. 187; 5 and 6, p. 189;
7 and 8, p. 190.
Dives House Barn.
Plan: facing p. 192.
Plates: I and II, facing p. 194; III and IV, facing p. 195; V and VI,
facing p. 196; VII, facing p. 197.
Mesolithic Flint Axes from the West Riding of Yorkshire.
Figs.: 1, p. 210; 2, p. 211; 3, p. 212.
A Ring-Marked Rock.
Figs.: 1 and 2, facing p. 216.
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY.
Pedigree: facing p. 268.
Fig. : \,p. 273.
Plates: I, facing p. 276; II, facing p. 277 .
Seven Archaeological Discoveries in Yorkshire.
Figs.: 1, p. 299; 2, p. 300; 3, p. 302; 4, p. 304; 5, p. 306; 6, p. 308;
7, p. 310; 8, p. 311; 9, p. 312; 10, p. 316; 11, p. 318; 12, p. 319;
13, p. 320; 14, p. 321; 15, p. 322; 16, p. 323.
Plates: I, facing p. 298; II, facing p. 308; III, facing p. 312; IV, facing
p. 314; V, facing p. 316; VI, facing p. 318.
Part CL VIII.
THE
Yorkshire Archeological Journal
THORNBOROUGH CURSUS, YORKS.
By Faith de Mallet Vatcher, F.S.A.
In January 1958 an excavation and survey of the south-
west end of the Thornborough Cursus was undertaken by the
writer on behalf of the Ancient Monuments Dept, of the Ministry
of Works. Owing to extensive gravel quarrying, part of the
north-west side of the cursus ditch had been exposed and part
quarried away, when, following the reporting of this fact by Dr.
J. K. St. Joseph, who had recently carried out an aerial recon-
naissance, the Ministry obtained permission to excavate from the
owner of the quarry, Mr. Avison, who kindly suspended operations
in that area until the examination was completed.
The excavation covered a period of three weeks during
which time work was hampered by the severe weather conditions.
Two workmen were employed continuously.
There were no small finds. Dr. Cornwall has kindly analysed
soil samples taken from two sections of the cursus ditch.
Later in 1958 further quarrying disclosed a stone cist con-
taining a crouched inhumation within the end of the cursus.
The Site.
The National Grid reference for the south-west end of the
cursus is SE 282791.
Situated at the western edge of the Vale of York, it is about
5 miles north-west of Ripon, about a mile east of West Tanfield,
and runs parallel to the Tanfield-Thornborough road. Its proximity
to the Thornborough Circles has already been discussed by Mr. N.
Thomas in this Journal,1 in his report on the excavations he
carried out on the central henge and on the underlying cursus
ditch. The Scorton cursus lies roughly 13 miles to the north.
(Fig. 1).
The Thornborough Cursus is aligned approximately NE-SW.
It is 140 feet above sea level and about 20 feet above the level of
the River Ure, from which it is less than J mile distant. The
surrounding country is flat and open, and almost entirely under
arable cultivation.
1 Y.A.J., xxxviii (1955), 425-445.
Crown copyright reserved. Reproduced by permission of J. K . St. Joseph.
Plate I.
Aerial photograph showing exposed portion of cursus in foreground.
1
THORNBOROUGH CURSUS, YORKS.
171
In the area of the cursus an outcrop of the Magnesian
Limestone, running north and south, forms the subsoil. The
Millstone Grit rises to the west, and beyond this the Mountain
Limestone of the Pennines. Drift material of boulder clay, glaci-
fluvial gravels, river gravel, sand and flood-loam mantles these strata.
Previous History.
The presence of the cursus was first revealed in an air
photograph of the nearby henges taken by Dr. J. K. St. Joseph
between 1945 and 1952. This photograph showed a pair of parallel
ditches, which appeared to underlie the central circle.1
In 1952, during the excavation of the central circle by Mr.
N. Thomas, the northern ditch of the cursus was investigated in
two places, where it was proved to underlie the southern bank of
the circle. Three sections in the quarry further to the south-west
were also exposed.
It was shown that the cursus had preceded the central
circle, and soil analysis indicated that it was silted up and grass
grown by the time the circle was constructed.
With two exceptions, all the sections showed a shallow
U-shaped ditch, 7-10 feet wide and 2-3 feet deep. There was
gravel silting at the bottom of the ditch, overlaid by dark loamy
earth, slightly gravelly, above which was a more sandy orange-
red loam. At the level of the edges of the ditch a dark humic
layer represented a buried soil. Analysis indicated that the dark-
ness of the primary filling of the ditch was due to the presence of
large amounts of organic matter. This suggested a deciduous
forest environment with plentiful drifted leaves. One exception
was a section in the centre of the quarry, on its south side, thought
to be that of the south ditch of the cursus. Here the ditch was
V-shaped, and the filling was slightly different, containing no
dark humic layer but in its place a thick band of orange-brown
loam. This section was however out of line with the rest of the
cursus ditch, being further over to the south east, and it is there-
fore questionable whether it was part of the same complex. In a
further section in the quarry, across the south ditch, the primary
dark filling was missing but the ditch was U-shaped.
Method of Excavation.
A base line of pegs, 400 feet in length, was laid out down
the supposed mid-line of the cursus. These pegs were 40 feet
apart and were numbered alphabetically from the south-west end.
The exposed part of the ditch on the north-west side was surveyed
by offsets from this line, and 8 cuttings on the south-east side
were laid out and numbered in relation to it, for the purpose of
bisecting the ditch.
The Excavation.
The purpose of the excavation was threefold: to obtain an
accurate plan of as much of the cursus as possible; to prove or
1 Y.A.J., xxxviii (1955), pi. II.
172
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
TUMU)
TUMULI
*5^
■WEST TANFIELD
\
IOOO
1500
Fig. 2.
Plan showing present known extent of cursus and its relationship to the
Thornborough Circles.
Plate IIa.
The northernmost gap, with the partially excavated ditch ends on
either side.
Plate IIb.
The crooked line of the ditch on the north-
west side of the cursus.
THORNBOROUGH CURSUS, YORKS.
173
disprove the existence of opposing gaps; and to obtain any
structural or dating evidence.
A considerable length of the cursus had already been
destroyed by an earlier quarry, in which were the sections of the
ditch previously exposed by Mr. Thomas. The part to be examined
in the present excavation lay immediately to the south-west of
this and consisted of two parallel ditches approximately 345 feet
long and 140 feet apart, meeting at the end in a broad curve. The
top 2-3 feet of soil had been scraped off over the north-western
ditch, revealing the black humic silt in the lower levels. The
strong contrast of the black silt with the gravel subsoil had enabled
the cursus to be clearly seen and photographed from the air. (PI. I).
Dr. St. Joseph’s photographs had indicated a number of
gaps in the exposed ditch. Three of these were proved by excava-
tion, the ditch on either side sloping abruptly to a greater depth
(PI. Ila); one was found to be merely an irregularity in depth;
and another, halfway along the ditch, had already been swallowed
up by the quarry. Of the three existing gaps, one, 4 feet wide,
was situated at the end of the cursus near the centre; another,
10 feet wide, near the end on the north-west side; and the third,
5 feet wide, at the northern extremity of the exposed ditch. A
short distance from this last gap the course of the ditch was
crooked for about 40 feet of its length (PI. lib).
As Mr. Thomas had previously noted, from Dr. St. Joseph’s
photographs it was possible to trace the continuance of the cursus
ditches from the far side of the old quarry, past and under the
central henge, and into the field beyond. The distance between
them remained constant, but they followed a slight curve to the
east. A further stretch of the cursus was plotted on the ground
from crop marks by the writer during the early summer of 1958.
This crossed the greater part of two fields and reached the boundary
of the first cottage in Thornborough, by which time the distance
between the ditches had narrowed slightly. With the excavated
portion, this final survey brought the total known length of the
cursus to 3,925 feet (Fig. 2). At no point was there any surface
indication of either ditch or bank.
To find the exact position of the ditch on the south-east
side, cutting A1 was laid out as a preliminary guide to follow
through the direction of the end curve. This cutting also gave a
true ditch section at a known point. From the angle of the ditch
here, and from the previously supposed width of the cursus, the
cutting Cl then appeared to be in the correct position to cut the
ditch. This however was not so, but in the next cutting, C2, taken
further in, the ditch was found, giving the width at that point as
144 feet. The width narrowed slightly between this cutting and B2.
It was possible that the large gap in the ditch towards the
end of the cursus on the exposed side might have been opposed
by a similar gap on the south-east side. The cuttings A2, B2, and
then B1 were dug to ascertain this, covering a length of 36 feet,
but the ditch was uninterrupted. The lack of gaps in this area
THORNBOROUGH CURSUS, YORKS.
175
was confirmed later in 1958, when further stripping of the topsoil
had taken place, exposing the entire end of the cursus as far as
the cutting B2 (Fig. 3).
The area opposite the northern gap was tested in the cutting
J 1 , but here too the ditch was continuous although less clearly
indicated. The stratification shown in the section was dissimilar
to and less conclusive than that of the other cuttings at the end of
the cursus, and there is a possibility that the ditch was refilled.
In the cuttings A1 to C2 the sections were fairly similar.
The width of the U-shaped ditch varied between 7 and 9 feet, and
its depth between 2 and 3 feet. The undisturbed gravel subsoil
had weathered to a depth of up to 18", both outside the ditch
and below it, causing in some cases a funnel-shaped discolouration
which gave the ditch a deceptive false outline. In two instances,
cuttings A2 and C2, there was a little primary gravel silt at the
base, coming in from the inside only and clearly the first fallback
from the bank. This was missing in sections A1 and B2. Over-
lying the gravel and stretching from edge to edge of the ditch
was a thick layer of black humic clay, organic in origin and sug-
gesting the rapid accumulation of drifted leaves and litter from a
deciduous forest environment. Resting upon this layer there was
a second slide of gravel, again from the inside only, which contained
some large pebbles at its lowest point over the centre of the ditch.
This appeared to be the slow secondary silt from the bank, con-
firming its inside position. A red-brown loam containing some
gravel completed the ditch filling and continued as a thin layer
outside the ditch, over the weathered gravel and below modern
ploughsoil. (Fig. 4 and PL IIIA).
Cutting J1 presented a different picture. The north side of
the ditch was defined only by the line of the weathered gravel,
the south by a line of large pebbles. Within the ditch no stratifica-
tion was visible, the slightly less coarse gravel which it contained
being homogenous. Overlying the ditch, and partly overlying the
vestige of bank here remaining on the inside, there was a thick
layer of black humic clay which continued to the end of the
section outside the ditch and represented a buried surface. Between
the black layer and modern plough the red-brown loam was
repeated.
This section was almost duplicated in cutting J2, which was
Mr. Thomas’s old quarry section ( Y.A.J. , xxxviii (1955), 431,
fig. 4), reopened in order to clarify the somewhat confusing
section in Jl. In J2, the sides of the ditch were a little more
clearly defined, and the contents consisted of the same homo-
genous but rather earthy gravel. The black humic layer was at
the same level as in ji.
It was apparent from the sections A1 to C2, and also from
the exposed length of cursus, that after a very slight fallback
from the thrown up bank the shallow cursus ditch silted up with
the leaves and litter of its forest environment. After this period
of silting some disturbance took place which caused more of the
BZ
CURS US SECTIONS
immwmim, m
&
' /
/■a o
T1
SCALE IN FEET
TplHi f ! 1 1 PMMIM'MMf
Jry-Us;
1 1 1 1 II II 1 1 Till Vi 1 1 1 H M 1 1 M III I M I li I ii l ■« n >.,##. I • *» ,» >, • • »•« . * *. v» , «\ .* . * vu.
* ~ • • « * A •.;/* :.***>' ^p;.
o<s~
■77?: 7"?
<=> C3
B BROWN LOAM
BLACK HUMIC SILT
BANK GRAVEL & PRIMARY SILT
E23 WEATHERED GRAVEL
UNDISTURBED GRAVEL
Fig. 4.
Sections of the cursus ditch, showing the bank material falling in from the
inside (left-hand) edge.
THORNBOROUGH CURSUS, YORKS.
177
bank to slip into the remaining hollow. The later filling of red-
brown loam was likely to have been mostly rainwash, being less stony.
This corresponds only in part with the sections in Mr.
Thomas’s cuttings IV and V across the north-eastern cursus
ditch, under and outside the henge bank. At the bottom gravel
had accumulated, appearing to come from the outside of the
ditch; above this was a “dark loamy earth” containing some
gravel, to a depth of 1 foot; over this, less pebbly and more sandy
orange-red loam which was in its turn overlaid, in the cutting
under the henge bank, by a “dark humic layer representing a
buried soil”. Upon this layer rested the bank of the henge.
In Dr. Cornwall’s opinion, the darkness of the primary
filling of the cursus and of the layer sealing it before the piling up
of the henge bank was due to the presence of a large amount of
organic matter. But whereas in Mr. Thomas’s section there would
seem to have been two dark layers chemically similar, in cuttings
A1 to C2 there was only one, forming the primary filling of the
ditch. With which of the two dark layers does the primary filling
then agree?
Presumably, since the two layers were chemically similar
they represent the same source of origin, i.e. deciduous forest
environment of the same climatic conditions, separated by a
fairly short time. The layer between them must therefore repre-
sent a period of cessation in the accumulation of forest litter,
during which time silting from the bank took place.
If the primary dark filling of the ditch in cuttings A1 to
C2 belongs to the first phase of forest accumulation, the missing
dark second layer could have weathered or been ploughed away,
the overlying depth of soil not being enough to preserve it. In
the cutting under the henge, the material of the bank would have
protected it.
If on the other hand the dark primary filling corresponds
with Mr. Thomas’s upper layer, then the question remains why
the ditch had not silted up to the same high level. The answer
could be that the lower of Mr. Thomas’s dark layers represented
the fallback of humic soil from the bank and was not a humic
accumulation as such. In this case, unless the ditch was re-dug,
the lack of similar fallback and silting at the end of the cursus
could only be explained by the bank being placed farther away
from the ditch edge. The ditch here would still be hollow enough
to collect a great deal of the later forest litter.
In cutting Jl, where the section was different, the dark
primary filling was missing, the ditch being filled with gravel,
but the buried soil sealing the ditch and continuing at the same
depth outside it was present. This was also the case in J2, Mr.
Thomas’s old quarry section, of which Dr. Cornwall says, “The
primary filling contained much less organic matter, but a dark
band with much humus overrode the banks of the ditch and was
continuous with that noticed in the adjacent natural section.
This too appears to be a buried surface, but the cause of its burial
178 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
is not clear. So far from the henge the overlying accumulation
must have been naturally formed".
It is almost certain that this dark layer in cuttings J1 and
J2 corresponds with the upper dark layer in Mr. Thomas's cutting
IV. Not only were they at the same level over the ditch, but in
the vicinity of J2 the layer was seen for some distance along the
quarry face, and in view of Dr. Cornwall’s remarks was no doubt
the same surface on which the henge was built.
There are two possible reasons to account for the lack of
dark primary filling in the ditch. The first is that the ditch here
silted naturally with the material from the bank, leaving no
hollow. The bank at this point would have had to be entirely
gravel, falling back rapidly enough to leave no tiplines. The
second possibility is that the ditch was refilled soon after being
dug. To support this, it was opposite the gap on the northern
side, and this part of the ditch may have been dug in error when
the intention was to have opposing gaps. The fact that there
were no tiplines suggests artificial filling. The gaps at the end of
the cursus were not opposed, however.
Dr. Cornwall, in his analysis of the primary filling and
buried soil layer, states that there is little doubt that the dark
layers in C2 and J1 correspond in substance and in age and
represent the locally slightly variable products of the same soil-
forming process. (See appendix). This chemical evidence would
support the likelihood that the dark filling in cuttings A1 to C2
and the upper dark layer in the cutting under the henge were
also contemporary, but does not altogether preclude the possibility
that they were not, depending upon the time involved. The
writer inclines toward the opinion that the bank was far enough
inside the ditch at the cursus end to prevent much fallback before
the accumulation of forest litter, and that the buried soil layer
in J1 overlay a re-filled ditch at that point. The evidence is
unfortunately insufficient to provide a conclusive answer.
Summary
Excavation and survey proved the width of the Thorn-
borough cursus to be 144 feet, and its present known length to
be 3,925 feet. The bank was found to have been on the inside of
the ditch, which was itself 7 — 9 feet wide and 2 — 3 feet deep.
Near the broadly curving end of the cursus two gaps were revealed
on the north-west side, and a third farther along may have been
opposed on the south-east where it is possible the ditch was
refilled. The ditches were filled with the accumulation of litter
from the deciduous forest environment contemporary with and
succeeding the time of construction.
Discussion
The Thornborough Cursus belongs to a class of ceremonial
monument considered to be of Late Neolithic date, and at present
being studied by Professor Atkinson.1
1 Atkinson, Excavations at Dorchester, Oxon, Vol. II forthcoming.
Plate IIIa.
Section of ditch in cutting B2.
Plate IIIb.
Stone cist as exposed in the quarry face.
THORNBOROUGH CURSUS, YORKS.
179
At Thornborough there was no dating evidence with the
exception of the soil analysis, which indicated that the conditions
were attributable to the Late Atlantic climatic phase, compatible
with the transition from Late Neolithic to Early Bronze Age.
Consisting of an avenue of two parallel ditches, generally
closed at the ends, cursuses are, according to present knowledge,
peculiar to the British Isles. They are sometimes associated with
long barrows, as at the Stonehenge cursus,1 where one lies across
the east end; at Gussage, Dorset,2 where the cursus is believed to
postdate four long barrows; and at Dorchester, Oxon,3 where one
ditch is interrupted by a Long Mortuary Enclosure. The cursus
at North Stoke, Oxon, runs up to another Long Mortuary En-
closure.4 There appears to be an axial mound, not necessarily a
long barrow, within the extreme south end of the Scorton cursus.
They are also found in the neighbourhood of henge monuments.
At Thornborough itself, it was primary to the henge; Phase I at
Stonehenge may be associated with at least one of the two
cursuses a short distance to the north; and at Dorchester, Oxon,
the henges and the cursus are in close proximity. It is question-
able whether cursuses have any relationship with avenues of
earthwork or stone in connection with stone circles (e.g. Stone-
henge, Avebury, Stanton Drew). Their purpose is obscure.
Thornborough, like other examples, had its banks on the
inside of the ditches. The gaps in the ditch can be paralleled
elsewhere; those at Stonehenge, Dorchester, and the Dorset
cursus were opposing. The gaps in the Dorset cursus were 10 feet
and 40 feet wide respectively. At Dorchester it is interesting to
note that one of the three gaps was formed by throwing the bank
back into the ditch. The only parallel to the markedly rounded
end of the Thornborough cursus is the S.E. end of the Dorchester
site. The ends of all other cursuses are either sharply squared off
at right angles or only very slightly convex. The narrowing
towards the end is paralleled by the west end of the Stonehenge
cursus; and there is a much more abrupt and less gradual narrowing
at the N.E. end of the Dorset cursus on Bokerley Down.
The size of cursuses varies; Gussage, Dorset, is 6 miles long
and 300 feet wide, Stonehenge 9,090 feet long and 330 feet wide,
Dorchester 4,000 feet long and 210 feet wide, and Scorton 1 mile
long and 200 feet wide.
The cursus at Thornborough, together with that at Scorton
a few miles to the north, emphasizes the strength of the Neolithic
population in that area and illustrates again the connection in
Neolithic times between Yorkshire and Wessex.
Since this report was written, aerial photography in the
summer of 1959 has revealed further cursuses in Britain.
1 Arch. Journ., CIV (1948), 7-19.
2 Ant. 113 (March 1955), 4-9.
3 Atkinson, Excavations at Dorchester, Oxon, Vol. I, Fig. 2.
4 Oxoniensia XV (1950), 107. Ibid., XVI (1951), 82.
180
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
THORNBOROUGH CURSUS-DITCH.
Report on the Soil-Samples, by I. W. Cornwall.
Two sections were sampled: —
A. Section of the cursus-ditch (6 samples).
B. A section from modern plough-soil to unweathered gravel (5 samples),
taken outside the ditch Jl, for comparison with the above.
The object of the investigation was to re-examine the evidence pre-
viously described (refs, below) for the nature of a widespread humic layer
(presumed to be a buried forest-soil) occurring both in the ditch-filling and
outside the ditch in cutting J.l (samples Nos. A. 3 and B.3, respectively).
Samples were examined for pH, presence of carbonates, phosphates
and content of organic matter, with the following results: —
Sample
pH
— co3
O
Ph
1
(mgs./lOO gms.)
Humus
A.l (base)
67
+
—
0-06
2
4-8
—
—
0-58
3
48
—
—
1-96
4
5T
—
—
1-5
5
48
—
—
1-34
6
4-8
—
+ (v. little)
1-6
B.l
5-5
+
—
005
2
4-8
—
—
0-7
3
4-8
—
—
2-0
4
5-0
—
—
1-5
5
4-8
—
+ (v. little)
1-64
Thin
sections
of the modern surface-soil (A. 6, B.5) and of the buried
soils (A. 3, B.3) were prepared and examined microscopically.
This technique
was not available at the time of the former investigation.
The following features were observed: —
A. 6. The fabric was dense, with few voids. The minerals were almost
exclusively siliceous — quartz, flint and quartzite — with only very
rare grains of heavier minerals and no felspars. The plasma was
humic and flocculated, sepia-brown throughout in colour, even under
high magnification.
B. 5. The section was, as would be expected, almost identical with the
above. There were, perhaps, a few more heavy minerals, including
one sizeable tourmaline embedded in a quartzite. A single felspar
was seen. A few larger voids show that the general fabric of the
modern soil is rather more open than is suggested by the dense mass
of A. 6. The latter was probably chosen for sectioning for just that
reason, that it formed a largish coherent mass.
A. 3. Under low power (2" objective) this specimen looked very similar to
the above two, save for a somewhat finer and better crumb-structure.
With the Y objective it could be seen that though the greater part
of the plasma was dark sepia in colour, flocculated and isotropic
under crossed nicols, there were everywhere streaks and smears of
light ochre-coloured material with flow-structures showing marked
anisotropy, especially concentrated at the grain-boundaries. These
show an incipient movement of iron-stained clay-minerals in a
colloidal form, protected from flocculation by a new factor, colloidal
silicic acid, absent in the modern soil. The structures are indicative
of climatic conditions of formation somewhat warmer than those of
the present day, though not drier. They are locally somewhat masked
by the considerable humus accumulation.
B. 3. The corresponding sample, from a little distance away from the ditch,
was slightly poorer in humus, and showed the same flow-structures
in even more marked degree. There is little doubt, therefore, that
A. 3 and B.3 correspond in substance and in age and represent the
locally slightly variable products of the same soil-forming process.
THORNBOROUGH CURSUS, YORKS.
181
Discussion.
The humus-figures clearly show some concentration of organic matter
in samples A. 3 and B.3, which even exceeds that in the modern plough-soil,
so that this seems to indicate a buried surface (soil A-horizon) in each case.
The markedly fine crumb-structure in both is also significant of the action
of rootlets and of worms.
The pH-figures are uniformly acid, but not so markedly as to produce
ill-humified moder-humus and podsolization. Carbonate is present only as
a trace in the unweathered gravel. Phosphate is also so low in concentration
as to be negligible.
The thin sections afford full corroboration of the nature of the deeper
humic layers as buried soils.
The modern soil is of the browneartli type, from its prevailing acidity
and rather dense, blocky structure, despite the plough, specifically, an
oligotrophic braunerde (poor in plant-nutrients). The iron compounds and
humus in the intergranular spaces are flocculated and clearly immobile.
In the two samples of the buried soil there is an incipient mobilization
of iron and clay-minerals from the plasma, which forms in anisotropic ochre-
yellow streaks concentrated at the grain-boundaries. Though there are
numerous voids and conducting channels, plasma transport has not yet
begun to form more than a thin coat on their walls and not to choke them
with plasma in transit as in the soil-type called Parabraunerde, typically
developed on Interglacial and Postglacial loess-loams of Atlantic Europe.
The conclusion is therefore justified that the warm-moist climatic conditions
favouring the transport of soil-colloids did not last long enough or were not
sufficiently intense to permit the development of a full Parabraunerde,
though the buried soil was evidently tending to be modified in that direction.
The relative richness in humus and good crumb-structure of the buried
soil suggest a forest vegetation of rather higher base-status than the modern
soil. This is supported by the slightly higher organic concentration in the
case of the ditch-filling A. 3. Leaf mould and forest litter generally would
accumulate more plentifully in hollows such as those afforded by the only
partly-filled cursus-ditches.
It remains to identify, if possible, the particular period during which
the buried soil was formed. Evidence of wind-sorting in the overlying
loam (Cornwall, 1953) is probably attributable to the Subboreal climatic
phase, which falls within our Early Bronze Age. The buried soil seems
immediately to precede this and so probably corresponds to the rather
brief period of maximum warmth known as the Climatic Optimum of the
Postglacial, which occurred in the latter part of the Atlantic climatic phase.
The first filling of the cursus-ditches would thus correspond to the later
Neolithic or the time of transition from Neolithic to Bronze Age.
References.
Cornwall, I. W. 1953. ‘Soil-science and Archaeology with illustrations
from some British Bronze-Age monuments’. Proc. Prehist. Soc.,
19, 129-147.
Thomas, N. 1956. ‘The Thornborough Circles, near Ripon, North
Riding’. Yorks. Arch. /., xxxviii (1955), 425-445.
1 Note on the cist burial found within the Thornborough
Cursus.
During July 1958 further cutting back of the quarry face revealed a
stone cist containing a crouched inhumation, approximately on the centre
line of the cursus and about 15 feet from the end. It consisted of a stone
box 54 inches long by 41 inches wide by 37 inches deep, and set in gravel.
The four walls and the roof were formed by 5 limestone slabs, each about
5 inches thick. The top slab was 3 feet 6 inches below modern ground level.
The base of the cist was dished, beneath the burial. (See Plate Illb).
The cist contained a crouched burial which was positioned with its
head pointing to the end of the cursus and with its body facing south-east.
182
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
From information obtained the bones were in good condition: they were
later removed by Mr. G. F. Willmot of the Yorkshire Museum. No grave
goods were present.
The above information was obtained from the excavator operator
whose machine uncovered the cist, and from the later measurement of the
stones.
f?U
VI
MH
DRIFFIELD ;
IRON AGE SITE
GENERAL PLAN-
HOLLOW Q
G~S_ PH
-ORIGINAL TRENCH
< \
<■-,
TT W
East
0 12 3 4 5 6
FEET
Fig. 1.
183
AN IRON AGE SITE AT DRIFFIELD, EAST
RIDING, YORKS.
By Judith T. Philips.
The Driffield Iron Age site is situated on the property of
the Driffield R.A.F. Station, and my thanks are due to the Officer
commanding and his staff for their kindness and co-operation in
providing access to the site and many other facilities; also to the
Ministry of Works, who sponsored the excavation, making all
arrangements and supplying labour and equipment; to D.
Appleby for his assistance in drawing the sections, and to M.
Ricketts for drawing the pottery.
During the digging of a trench for drains for the new married
quarters at Driffield R.A.F. Station, the discovery of a skeleton
was reported to the local archaeologists, Messrs. C. & E. Grantham.
On visiting the site they discovered that as well as the skeleton
there was evidence of several ditches running diagonally across
the trench. Messrs. C. & E. Grantham proceeded to excavate the
skeleton, which proved to be a crouched burial in a shallow grave
devoid of any pottery or other grave goods. After photographing
the skeleton they filled the burial site in again. They also examined
the ditches where they crossed the trench and recovered a quantity
of pottery therefrom which they were subsequently kind enough
to allow me to examine, and then informed the Yorkshire Museum
of the existence of the site. A further excavation then took place,
under the direction of Mr. G. F. Willmot, Keeper of the Yorkshire
Museum, and an area of fifty feet by ten was stripped to the
natural and two postholes were found, approximately eighteen
inches in diameter and penetrating the chalky gravel to a depth
of about a foot, and a possible stake hole in an irregular hollow.
Mr. Willmot, being himself also occupied in excavations in York
and therefore unable to continue work on the site, informed the
Ministry of Works and a further exploration was carried out.
During the period 1st July — 23rd July 1952, a series of squares
and trial trenches was opened to investigate the ditch nearest the
burial. This ditch had previously been found to contain Iron
Age pottery. It was hoped also that further evidence of a structure
in the neighbourhood, suggested by the finding of postholes by
Mr. Willmot, might come to light. This hope proved abortive and
the main ditch and minor gullies became the focus of exploration.
Five ten foot squares were opened, in alignment with the York-
shire Museum excavation, the two northernmost being subse-
quently extended a further five feet and the bulk between them
removed. Smaller trenches were opened at various points on the
184 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
line of the main ditch and also to investigate two minor ditches
or gullies. (Fig. 1).
As no Roman pottery was found in the main area excavated,
it seems likely that the focus of occupation shifted to the southern
end of the site with the Romanization of the region. The bulk of
the finds was concentrated in the lower levels of the ditch, which
appears to have been used as a rubbish dump at an early period.
A drop of nine inches in the level of the ditch from Trial Trench
III (the furthest point investigated to the south-east) to the
northern corner of the ditch suggests that originally there may
have been an intention to use it for drainage as well as demarcation
purposes. Manganese staining of the gravel in the lowest fill
appears to indicate the presence of water, but this must have
been due to seepage since there was nowhere any appreciable
amount of primary silt and therefore there cannot have been an
open channel for many seasons unless the ditch had been delibera-
tely kept clear. This possibility cannot be overlooked, in view of
the presence of a rammed chalk lining to the northern side of the
corner of the ditch, which looks like deliberate strengthening of a
weak point. Nevertheless, the amount of occupation debris
thrown into the ditch from the inner side suggests that the open
ditch was not an important feature to the inhabitants. Occupation
of the site did not end with the filling up of the ditch, as following
this a working hollow (Pit I, Square A.l) was opened and a pit
(Pit II) was dug in the north corner (between squares A.l and
B.l). Pit I (the working hollow) was clear of occupation material
and only two minute sherds of indeterminate shape were found
in the fill. Pit II was filled with pebble-free clay and may indicate
the presence of a kiln in the neighbourhood, the clay being either
in readiness for closing the kiln before firing or as raw material
for the pots.
Besides the main ditch two gullies were investigated, Trial
Trenches V and VII and Trial Trench VI. The latter proved to
be the end of a very shallow runnel, which since it did not continue
in the direction of the main ditch may not have been connected
with the site. As well as pottery of a type similar to that found
in the main ditch it produced two fragments of later wares.
The Ditch Sections. (Fig. 2).
Trial Trench III, the main ditch section at the south-eastern
limit of investigation, shows none of the minor variations in the
filling observable at the northern corner of the ditch, but the
sequence of layers follows more or less the same pattern through-
out. The lowest layer at this point, layer 5, and the succeeding
layer of speckled gravel contained the bulk of the material found,
but there was much less from this area than from the equivalent
layers (5 and 6) of Trial Trench I. Above this were two gravel
layers which, as in other parts of the site, were very similar in
texture and colour and difficult to differentiate during excavation.
A very small scatter of sherds occurred in these layers, including
TTSHEast
DRIFFIELD ■ IRON AGE SITE
-SECTIONS-
LrSS-.jBROWN GRAVEL
gUjCHALKY GRAVEL
LIGHT BROWN GRAVEL
feg|g|EARTHY GRAVEL I
K - -2
WHITE GRAVEL
DARK EARTH
BROWN EARTH
MEDIUM BROWN
PIT FILL
RAMMED CHALK
^Sn=Sn ay
=m=migCLAY
SPECKLED GRAVEL
SILT
Fig. 2.
Bl. East
A I. South
Al.West
IRON AGE SITE AT DRIFFIELD
185
a rim from layer 2. There was no typological distinction between
the pottery from the upper and lower layers.
Trial Trench I may be taken as representing the normal
appearance of the ditch filling where undisturbed by later activity.
Starting from the base there was a thin layer of silt followed by
a thick layer of the speckled gravel topped by a layer of black
earth. These two layers produced abundant occupation material,
bone and pottery, lying in and between them in such a way as
to suggest that in spite of the difference in material the filling
process had been a continuous one. These layers are the equivalent
of layers 5 and 7 in Square B.I. The balk between these trenches
was removed at the end of operations and it was found that the
occupation material and the layers continued without a break.
Above layer 5 there was a marked change to a dry earthy gravel,
layers 4 and 4a, the make-up of which was identical but had
come in from different sides of the ditch. Layer 4 was separated
from the brown gravel of Layer 2 by a band of intermittent small
chalk lumps which only became noticeable as a variation in the
normal gravel filling in the side of the section. It was, however,
present in all sections of the north corner of the ditch. Immediately
under Layer 4 on the surface of the natural to the side of the ditch
and ending at the lip was a narrow band, one inch thick, of black
soil. This was only preserved in Trial Trench I and on the eastern
side of Square B.I.
Square B.I, extended five feet to the north to take in the
turn of the ditch, shows an added feature not present in Trial
Trench I, and that was the presence of a layer of rammed chalk
lying against the outer side of the ditch from lip to base. The
main point of interest in this area lies in the presence of Pit II,
dug into the corner of the ditch after the speckled gravel and
black earth had filled the lower part, but before the main bulk
of the brown gravel had begun to slip in. The rather patchy
spreading of the clay filling of Pit II over the surrounding area
and the fact that the pit extended under the balk made exact
planning of the area impossible. There was no occupation
material, either bone or pottery, in the clay filling, which was
tough and compact and free of stones. After drawing the section
the balk between Squares B.I and A.I was removed.
In Square A.I also there had been activity subsequent to
the initial filling of the ditch. A shallow semi-circular hollow had
been dug out of the chalk gravel at the south side of the ditch,
the upper edge of which was cut by the side of the pit (Pit I).
i The floor of the hollow was clean and bare of all traces of occupa-
tion. It was filled with gravel similar to the two normal gravel
layers which capped it. On the west side of the pit (and still in
the area of Square A.I) the ditch produced a layer of chalk gravel
(Layer 5A) immediately above the two layers containing occupa-
tion material, presumably derived from the original digging of
the hollow.
186 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
The Gullies.
Trial Trench VI proved to be the termination of a very
shallow gully filled with brown clayey earth. A certain amount of
pottery and a drilled chalk fragment came from the fill. It was
not possible to determine the relationship of the gully to the
main ditch or to the Iron Age site at all, even though most of the
pottery belonged to that period.
Trial Trench VII revealed the continuation of a slightly
deeper gully found at Trial Trench V (to the south of Mr. Willmot’s
trench) running in the direction of the main ditch. The fill of
this gully followed the general pattern of that of the main ditch.
Above primary silting the ditch was filled by two layers, the
lower being dark brown and producing occupation material. The
whole gully, and its surroundings, was covered by brown gravel.
The Pottery.
All the pottery with the exception of three sherds (figs.
11-13) was poorly fired and contained a quantity of flint grit, the
fragments frequently being of considerable size. The body was
uniformly black, the exterior of the thinner walled pots mainly
black and that of the coarser pots varying from a buff-grey to
black with occasional patches of pinkish buff. Owing to this uni-
formity in ware detailed description has been limited to a selected
number of the illustrated specimens, but examples of all rim and
base forms found in the excavated area are illustrated and their
positions in the site listed.
Similar pottery was also found by Messrs. C. and E. Grantham
in a ditch running in an east-west direction some fifty yards to
the south of the area described above. This ditch also produced
an appreciable quantity of Roman pottery. The native ware is,
however, identical with that found at the main site, where virtually
no Roman pottery was discovered. The type is fairly common to
the East Riding of Yorkshire and also further north and com-
parison may be made with pottery from Staxton (see T. C. M.
Brewster, “Excavations at Newnham’s Pit, Staxton, 1947-48”
Yorks. Arch. Journ., pt. 154, 1957) and from Stanwick (see R. E.
M. Wheeler, “The Stanwick Fortifications, North Riding of
Yorkshire”, 1954). No direct dating evidence was forthcoming
from the main Driffield site, but the lack of admixture of Roman
material at the turn of the ditch together with the occurrence of
similar pottery in association with Roman wares in the immediate
vicinity suggested an immediately pre-Roman date for the main
site, the centre of occupation shifting to the south soon after the
Romanization of the region. This means a date in the earlier part
of the first century A.D. which agrees in principle with the more
positive dating evidence from other sites at which this ware has
been found.
Fig. 3, 1. Squared rim, everted coarse gritty ware, grits showing
extensively on outer and inner surfaces.
From Layer 7, balk between B.J, and T.T.I,
►— r-*-r
+— I T-*
Fig. 3.
Driffield Iron Age Pottery (£).
Fig. 4. Driffield Iron Age Pottery (£)
188
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Fig. 3, 2.
3.
Fig. 4, 4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
Squared rim, everted, slightly constricted neck, coarse
gritty ware, surface smoothed inside and out, but not grit free.
From balk between A. I. and B.I. below clay.
Squared rim, everted, coarse gritty ware, surface smoothed
inside and out, but not grit free.
From Layer 7, balk between B.I. and T.T.I.
Flollowed rim with irregular finger nail impressions on
exterior, constricted neck with trace of diagonal scoring
below, coarse gritty ware, surface smoothed inside and out,
but large grits showing on interior surface and smaller grits
on outer.
From Layer 2, T.T.VI.
Rounded rim with faint cable pattern, coarse gritty ware,
surface smoothed inside and out but with some grit showing.
From Layer 8, balk between B.I. and T.T.I.
Rim of thin walled bowl, coarse gritty ware, surface well
smoothed inside and out.
From Layer 2, B.II.
Squared narrow rim, slightly everted, constricted neck, wall
of pot thickened below neck, coarse gritty ware, surface
smoothed inside and out and free of large grits.
From Layer 2, T.T.II.
Squared everted rim of thin walled bowl, ware slightly less
gritty than normal but equally badly fired.
From Layer 5, balk between B.I. and T.T.I.
Section of low walled platter, rim to base. Rim roughly
grooved, coarse gritty ware, body black, surface pink and
smoothed inside and out, but showing large grits on the
interior.
From Layer 3, T.T.V.
Section of small irregular pot, possibly a waster, coarse ware,
less gritty than usual and harder.
From Layer 7, balk between B.I. and T.T.I.
Cordoned neck sherd, ware less gritty than usual, the grits
much smaller, the surface smooth, hard and grit free
inside and out, black. Possibly Romano-British.
From Layer 3, T.T.V.
Rolled rim and straight neck of thin-walled jar, fine grey
ware. Roman.
From Layer 2, T.T.VI.
Glazed sherd, greenish buff, with trace of cordon, body and
interior red. Medieval.
From Layer 2, T.T.VI.
Fig. 5, 14-16.
17-19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
Rims from Layer 2, T.T.VI.
Rims from Layer 3, T.T.V.
Rim from Layer 3, T.T.IV.
Rim from Layer 2, T.T.IV.
Rim from Layer 7, A. I.
Rim from Layer 2, B.I.
Rim from Layer 4, B.I.
Fig. 6, 25 & 26.
27 & 28.
29-31.
32.
33.
Rims from Layer 5, B.I.
Rims from Layer 8, B.I.
Rims from Layer 8, balk between B.I. and T.T.I.
Rim from Layer 2, T.T.I.
Base from Layer 2, T.T.VII.
Fig. 7, 34 & 35.
36 & 37.
38 & 39.
40,
Bases from Layer 2, T.T.VI.
Bases from Layer 3, T.T.V.
Bases from Layer 7, A. I.
Base from Layer 8, B.I,
Fig. 6. Driffield Iron Age Pottery (£)
Fig. 8. Driffield Bone and Stone objects (£)
IRON AGE SITE AT DRIFFIELD
191
Other Finds.
Animal Remains. The filling of the ditch produced a quantity of
broken bone, mostly fragmentary and in very poor condition. Most of the
material came from the lower levels of the main ditch in the area of Trial
Trench I and Square B.I. and included evidence of the presence at the site
of dog, deer, horse, pig, sheep or goat and bos. A fragmentary skull of
bos longifrons came from Layer 3, Trial Trench V.
Drilled chalk fragment (fig. 8, 41). The fragment as found is probably
incomplete. No other fragment was found. The marks of drilling are quite
visible throughout the perforation except at the top, where there is a
narrow transverse smooth line, possibly as a result of suspension. The object
may have been a loom weight or possibly a weight for a net protecting the
roof of a hut. Owing to its position in the fill of the shallow gully T.T.VI.
it is not possible to date it definitely to the Iron Age Occupation.
Quern Fragment (fig. 8, 42). Fragment of rotary quern of rhyolite. Un-
fortunately the quern is too fragmentary to determine the original height
or the angle of the grinding surface with any certainty, and there is no trace
of the handlehole. The fragment came from the speckled gravel (Layer 7)
Square A. I. and belongs to the Iron Age occupation.
Bone Handle, (fig. 8, 43). Made from the metatarsal of bos; some trace
of polishing remains. There is no trace remaining of any metal blade or
other attachment. From the speckled gravel (Layer 7) in Square B.I.
below the clay spread of Pit II.
192
DIVES HOUSE BARN
at Dalton, near Huddersfield
By Frank Atkinson, B.Sc., F.M.A.
Dives House Barn adjoined Dives House at Dalton, near
Huddersfield. It was demolished in October 1957. Little appears
to be known of either of these buildings; Thomas Dives of Dalton
is mentioned as a juror in the Court Rolls of the Manor of Wake-
field in 1314-15 and in the following year his name occurs as a
witness to a deed relating to land in Dalton.1
The barn has previously been described as a typical “Nave-
and-aisles” barn “with six inner massive king-post trusses”,2 but
when first observed by the writer at a time when the slates had
just been removed it was noted that part of the roof structure
was of entirely different structure to that usually referred to as
'Highland’; this was better described as a late Mediaeval barn of
the ‘Lowland’ tradition.
Since little comparative material has been published on
roof-types, it may be useful at this stage to distinguish the roof
of this barn from the type of roof usually found in the West
Riding. The so-called “Highland” or North-western roof is
built up on a series of framed trusses, each comprising a horizontal
tie-beam supporting a vertical king post and two large principal
rafters running from tie-beam to king post. This latter supports
the ridge-piece and one or more purlins on each roof-slope are
set upon the principal rafters. The common rafters are then
supported by ridge-piece and purlins. This type of roof is found
in the West Riding. Regional variations (frequently without the
king post) are found in Westmorland,3 Wales,4 Monmouthshire,5
etc.
The “Lowland” or South-eastern roof structure comprises
a series of identical pairs of “trussed rafters”, i.e. common rafters
halved together at their apex, and strengthened by a collar
halved or tenoned into each rafter. In its best known form this
roof is completed by a central ‘collar purlin’, which runs along
under the series of collars. This collar purlin is supported by a
series of ‘King-posts’ (frequently moulded and chamfered)6
1 Tolson, L., History of the Church and Annals of the Parish of Kirk-
heaton. Privately published, 1929, p. 155, 6.
2 Walton, }., Early Timbered Buildings of the Huddersfield District.
Huddersfield Museum, 1955.
3 Royal Commission on Historical Monuments. Vol. for Westmorland
1936.
4 Peate, I. C., The Welsh House 1946.
5 Fox, Sir Cyril and Lord Raglan. Monmouthshire Houses 1951.
6 The term ‘crown post’ has been suggested by Professor R. A.
Cordingley.
Truss No. 3 (looking North)
inset : First, northern, pair of rafters (looking South)
^shewing two collars)
Truss No. 4
(looking North)
DIVES HOUSE BARN , Dalton, Huddersfield
_ _____ >7
DIVES HOUSE BARN
193
standing on tie beams. There is no ridge-piece or principal rafter.
This type of roof is found in Kent and Essex1 etc., and a derivative
of this type is widely found in the Midlands (esp. Warwickshire)
and apparently in the Vale of York.2 It should be noted that
although the term “king-post” is used in both roof types, these
two structures are entirely different in function. In the Dives
House Barn roof the king post and collar purlin were absent.
The barn as it stood in October 1957 was 7 bays long with
a narrow aisle along most of the western side and a cow-house
and stable along the eastern. At its southern end stood Dives
House, a timber-framed building with 17th century additions.
Unfortunately this house was largely demolished when visited by
the writer and it was not possible to make a satisfactory survey.
The barn was built in at least three stages. In the centre
was the original barn of three bays (Trusses 3, 4, 5. 6)3 and this
was subsequently extended at each end by two bays, making a
total of seven bays, probably in the mid to late 17th century.
The aisle on the western side was partly continued at the same
time (Trusses 1 and 2). At a third period the stable and cow-
house were added along the eastern side.
The Late Mediaeval Barn.
This barn was three bays long, with an aisle down the
western side only. The two outer bays were each 16 feet long
and the centre bay was 13 feet long; the width of each bay was
19 feet, with an additional 5 feet formed by the aisle. The roof
was hipped at each end and the outer walls were studded. It would
seem that there was a large pair of doors at the east side of the
central bay, but any evidence there may have been at the corres-
ponding point on the western aisle had been destroyed.
The timber construction was sound and well-made and the
posts set up on low stone footings. Many of these joints were
numbered, and the most striking series of carpenters’ marks —
those of the posts — are shown on the accompanying diagram.4
The evidence upon which the above description is based
will now be discussed:
Bays. The carpenters’ marks I to IIII were so disposed as
to suggest that the barn never exceeded 4 trusses, and as a three-
bay building with the north and south bays slightly larger than
1 R.C.H.M. Vol. for Essex.
2 Private communication from J. T. Smith.
3 For ease of reference the trusses of the barn, as standing in 1947,
were numbered 1 to 7, starting at the northern end.
4 Each pair of posts was numbered consecutively from south to north
I to IIII, and the east posts of each pair distinguished by an added diagonal
stroke. In every case the number was marked on the ‘face’ side (i.e. the side
from which the pegs were driven), and on the opposite face was a triangular
symbol (only one such symbol to each pair of posts). The relative positions
of all these marks are shown in the diagram; in every case the mark was
cut into the post somewhere near the top. See also the drawings of Trusses
3 and 4.
194 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
the central one, the whole was symmetrical. The additional
trusses at each end were of inferior workmanship; the tie-beams
of trusses 3 and 6 showed mortices on their undersides to take
studding, and the posts had mortices about 6 feet from the ground
to take rails; the two internal trusses (nos. 4 and 5) had no such
mortices. The structure of the roof held the final proof and is
dealt with below.
Aisles. Only the aisle on the west was original, that on the
east being much later (probably 18th century). The aisle tie-
beams, posts and wall-plates were all properly tenoned to one
another and to the principal posts and bore the same carpenters’
numbers as the main trusses. An additional curved brace from
aisle tie-beam to principal post existed on Trusses 3 and 6 (see
drawing): the two outer trusses.
On the eastern side there were no mortices on the outer
faces of the principal posts apart from rough notches to take
the later stable and cow-house, proving that an eastern aisle
never existed. The studding of the walls supports this and is
dealt with below.
Walls. The underside of the aisle wall-plate had a series
of small mortices demonstrating that this wall was studded.
The western wall plate (or arcade plate) was free from any such
mortices, but that on the eastern side was morticed. The two
outer tie-beams (Trusses 3 and 6) were also morticed for studding
(see Plate V).
Rails to support the studding were seen to have been fitted
across Trusses 3 and 6 about 6 feet from the ground, and similar
rails ran along the eastern wall between posts 3 and 4, and posts
5 and 6. Between posts 4 and 5 the rail was about 10 feet from the
ground, suggesting that a large pair of doors was hung below it.
The aisle tie-beams did not have mortices on their under-
side and the aisle posts were too decayed to provide useful evidence,
or were missing.
The external wall of the aisle was studded, as shown by the
aisle wall-plate, but proof is not so clear for the lower half of the
two gables and the eastern wall. There was no evidence of
mortices in the principal posts for a ground sill or a lower rail
and there are therefore three possibilities for the infilling of the
three outer walls below the rail:
(a) Open, without any infilling.
(b) Further studding, into a ground sill which was not
fastened to the posts at either end.
(c) Stone walling.
Each end of the aisle was presumably treated in the same
way as each gable, and as the aisle tie-beam was free of mortices
on its underside this suggests that the missing rail across the
gable (about the same height) was likewise. Therefore possibility
(b) seems most unlikely, and the barn was either open from
Plate I. From the S.E
Plate II.
Roof looking N., showing double collars. Truss 6 overhead.
Plate III. Plate IV.
Roof, looking N. Truss 5 nearest camera. Roof timbers looking S.E., showing double collars. Note chamfered edge of
upper collar, with one peg-hole visible.
DIVES HOUSE BARN
195
i ground level to a height of six feet (which seems unlikely after all
I the care expended on the walls and roof) or a stone wall was
■ built to that height. There are other local buildings standing
\ which suggest that the latter may have been the case.1
Doors. As mentioned above, a pair of large doors probably
hung on the centre of the eastern wall. As the aisle wall-plate
on the opposing wall had been raised to accommodate a later
pair of doors it is not possible to deduce whether doors originally
existed there, but from comparison with other barns it is likely
that a small single door was provided for access and winnowing.
Roof. This was the most interesting feature of the building
and final proof of the size of the original barn. It was constructed
of pairs of common rafters, halved and pegged at the apex, with
a collar also halved and pegged. Sixteen such pairs remained and
of these the most northerly and southerly pairs each had an
additional upper collar bearing three pegs (see drawing and
Plates II and IV). No ridge-piece, purlins or principal rafters
were used on this original roof and where these did exist in 1957
they were obviously rough insertions of later date. In most
cases the struts from tie-beams to these purlins were not even
pegged (see Plate III).
The upper surface of the tie-beams on Trusses 3 and 6 had
a series of wide notches (see drawing and Plate VI). These notches
would take the rafters of the end hipped roof, and the upper
collars on the north and south pairs of rafters would bear the
upper ends of such rafters. Doubtless these end rafters were
removed when the barn and its roof were extended in the 17th
century.
Notes. Two interesting points remain to be recorded, (i)
The pitch of the two end roofs would not be identical, that to
the south being slightly steeper, as the distance from the last
pair of rafters to the tie-beam was only 5 ft. 6 ins. Whereas to
the north the distance was 6 ft. 6 ins. (ii) The halving of the
pairs of rafters showed some variation, as did the positioning of the
collar joints. This is shown on the elevation. There is no obvious
reason for this, but the pattern appeared too regular to be entirely
fortuitous. Possibly it was thought by so doing to strengthen the
roof.
Additions and alterations to the Mediaeval Barn.
At some time after the above-described three-bay barn was
constructed and also after the west wing of Dives House was
constructed or enlarged, the barn was extended to the south b\f
a further two bays. This is clearly shown on the plan. The west
wing of Dives House was probably built in the first half of the
1 For example, an inner wall at Shibden Hall, Halifax, is built in stone
to a height of 4 ft. 5 ins. and on this rests a sill bearing studding. This
sill is morticed into the posts which are built on low stone footings con-
temporary with the wall. The studding and plaster filling is covered by a
late 16th century decorative painting.
196 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
17th century and the workmanship and characteristics of the
added barn bays suggests that they date from the late 17th
century at the very earliest.
Two bays were also added at the northern end of the barn
and there is no reason to believe that they were not constructed
at the same time. In the course of these extensions the hipped
gable roofs would be removed and the ridges and purlins of the
extensions were projected slightly to contact the pairs of rafters
at each end. Two purlins were also inserted between Trusses
4 and 5.
At this time the aisle was extended to the north, and the
height of the western aisle wall raised about a foot by the addition
of a beam rested on top of the original aisle wall-plate and pegged
to it. This apparently was done to provide a taller doorway to
the west. The lower, original, wall-plate was cut away at this
point and the added beam continued over. To this were pegged
rather crude ‘ears’ (see Plate VII) to accommodate a pair of
harr-hung doors. All the outer walls were built of stone, including
replacement of the studded western aisle wall.
The cow-house and stall were still later additions. Their
construction was decidedly poor and much re-used timber was
incorporated.
Conclusion.
Dives House barn was originally built in the late 15th or
early 16th century, of three bays with timber construction and
walls mostly studded but probably partly stone-built. There was
a large pair of doors to the east. Its roof was hipped, the con-
struction being of the so-called ‘Lowland’ type of trussed rafters
but without collar purlin and king-posts. Additions were made
in the 17th and 18th centuries.
Plate V. Plate VI.
Underside of tie-beam of Truss 3, showing mortices Upper surface of tie-beam of truss 3, showing wedge-shaped notches to
for end-wall studding. take rafters. Upright posts and principal rafters are later insertions.
Plate VII.
‘Ear’ to take harr-hung door on W. wall (2nd period).
197
NOTES ON THE EARLY GENERATIONS
OF THE FAMILY OF CONSTABLE OF
HALSHAM
By Sir Charles Clay, C.B., F.B.A.
I There are three points which require consideration:
(a) the marriages of Erneburga de Burton;
(b) whether Robert the crusader was the son of Ulbert the
constable or whether there was another Robert of an
intervening generation;
and (c) the connexion with the family of Alost.
As to (a) the charter of Robert the constable restoring to
t Thomas and Ralph de Alost, his brothers, land in Fraisthorpe,
( to which full reference will be given below, states that the land
had been acquired by Gilbert de Alost, their father, with Robert’s
concurrence. This shows that Robert and Gilbert were alive at
the same time, and makes it impossible that Erneburga de Burton,
wife of Ulbert the constable, was the widow of Gilbert de Alost
when she married Ulbert.1 It will be shown below that Thomas
and Ralph de Alost were Robert’s half-brothers; and it can be
deduced that Robert’s mother Erneburga married Gilbert de
Alost, their father, as her second husband.
As to ( b ) the evidence given below will show that the birth
of Robert the crusader, senex et plenus dierum by 1190, can be
placed as not later than c. 1130-35. That would mean that, if
there was an intervening Robert,2 the birth of Ulbert the con-
stable could not have been later than the period 1090-95. Ulbert
was living at least as late as c. 1147; and, if there had been an
intervening Robert, Erneburga would have given birth to him
not later than c. 1110-15 and then to six more children after her
second marriage to Gilbert de Alost later than c. 1147. Moreover,
further evidence given below shows that Thomas de Alost, Gilbert’s
son, was the uncle of Robert son of William, the nephew and
successor of Robert the crusader; and this proves that the
crusader and Thomas de Alost were of the same generation.
As to (c) it was supposed by Poulson3 that the connexion
was due to the marriage of William the brother of Robert the
crusader to Julian sister of Thomas de Alost; but he gave no
evidence, and indeed there appears to be no evidence of her
1 So given by Poulson, Holderness, ii, 225, and followed in the account
of Burton Constable in Place-Names of E.R. Yorks., Eng. Place-Name Soc.,
p. 61. But A. S. Ellis in Y.A.J., iv, 233 clearly stated that Gilbert married
Ulbert’s widow.
2 So given by Poulson, op. cit., ii, 228. and followed in Dugdale’s
Visitation of Yorks., ed. J. W. Clay, ii, 301.
3 Op. cit., p. 228,
198
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
existence. Moreover, if such were the fact, Robert the crusader
could not have described Thomas as his brother.1 2 The true
solution, that Robert the crusader and his brother William were
the half-brothers of Thomas de Alost, is due to a note prepared
by the late Lewis Loyd and printed in the edition of Sir Christopher
Hatton s Book of Seals, in which Robert the constable’s Fraisthorpe
charter is included (no. 520). He shows that in view of a charter
of Robert son of William the constable (the crusader’s nephew
and successor) confirming to Bridlington priory the gifts made by
Thomas de Alost his patruusf Gilbert de Alost (Thomas’s father)
must have married the mother of Robert the constable (the
crusader), and Thomas and Ralph his brother must have been
the latter’s brothers of the half-blood.
§1. THE FAMILY OF CONSTABLE
Ulbert the Constable. He witnessed a charter of Ralph
de Goxhill giving land in Goxhill, co. Lincoln, to Bridlington
priory,3 and one of William count of Aumale confirming this and
other gifts.4 Six of the seven witnesses to the former are among
those who witnessed the latter; and the two charters were pre-
sumably issued on the same occasion. Farrer assigned their
date as c. 1147-1168, with a suggestion that the count’s charter,
in view of one of the witnesses, was issued nearer the former
date. This witness and another, Stephen the butler, witnessed a
charter of the count to St. Peter’s hospital, York, 1138-42;5 and
Stephen, with his sons, and another witness occur in 1149-50.6
Ulbert the constable with his brothers William and Richard
witnessed a charter of William count of Aumale to Simon de
Skeffling.7 The first witness was living in the time of count
Stephen,8 who died c. 1127, and two others witnessed charters
c. 1 150.9
As Robert the constable (Ulbert’s son) witnessed a charter
of the count, 11 50-53, 10 it is probable that Ulbert had died by
1153 at the latest.
There can be no doubt that Ulbert held the office of con-
stable under William le Gros, count of Aumale and lord of the
honour of Holderness. In the absence of documentary evidence
it is uncertain whether the interest in Halsham, held by his
descendants, was held by him in his own right or by reason of
his marriage. At the Domesday survey 7 carucates and 2f bovates
in Halsham and 2 carucates and 6 bovates in Tharlesthorpe
formed two of the berewicks of the manor of Patrington, held in
1 Nor could he have described him ‘as his brother, i.e. brother-in-law',
as was Farrer’s opinion in E.Y.C., ii, p. 154, where by a slip he supposed
that he was Robert the constable ‘of Flamborough’ — a different family.
2 Bridlington Chartulary , p. 201, cited below.
3 E.Y.C., iii, no. 1339. 4 Ibid., no. 1340.
5 Ibid., no. 1313. 6 Ibid., no. 1379.
7 Ibid., no. 1399. 8 Ibid., no. 1318.
9 Ibid., nos. 1379-80. 10 Ibid., no. 1381.
EARLY GENERATIONS OF CONSTABLE OF HALSHAM
199
chief by the archbishop of York;1 and a further 6 bovates in
Halsham formed a berewick of the manor of Ottringham, held in
chief by Drew de Beuvriere, then lord of Holderness.2 With
regard to other land which descended in the Constable family,
5 carucates in ‘Santriburtone’ (the later Burton Constable),
where one unnamed knight had an under-tenancy, and 3 carucates
in West Newton were held of the archbishop of York;3 and in
Fraisthorpe, out of a total of 9 carucates, 7 carucates were
held by the count of Mortain and one each by the king and Hugh
son of Baldric.4 After the flight of Drew de Beuvriere his lands
in Holderness were given to Odo count of Champagne, and so
descended to the counts of Aumale; and at some subsequent
date the archbishop of York enfeoffed them of some of these
lands, including Halsham and Burton Constable.5 Thus it was
recorded in 1284-85 that Aveline formerly countess of Aumale
had held 2 knights’ fees of the archbishop of York in Burton
Constable, Newton Constable [West Newton], West and East
Halsham and Tharlesthorpe, and that they had passed into the
king’s hand in consequence of her death.6 At Fraisthorpe in the
same period, where the number of carucates and their division
between three tenancies in chief precisely reflect the Domesday
conditions, 7 carucates were held of the Meinil fee under the
archbishop of Canterbury,7 one carucate of the Vescy fee under
Mowbray, and one by the prior of Bridlington of the Gant fee.8
The details given below will show that the interest in Fraisthorpe
held by the Constable family was derived from Erneburga de
Burton.
Described as Erenburch9 de Burtona, wife of Ulbert the
constable, she gave to Swine priory a carucate of land in Frais-
1 V.C.H. Yorks., ii, pp. 209-10, 325.
2 Ibid., pp. 266, 326. His tenant at Halsham was Gumar, of whom
nothing further is known.
3 Ibid., pp. 216, 325.
4 Ibid., pp. 226, 277, 287, 322.
5 In 1166 William count of Aumale held 3 k.f. of the abp of York
{Liber Niger, ed. Hearne, i. 304).
6 Feudal Aids, vi, 42. At the inq. taken 10 April 1294 after the death
of Simon the constable it was recorded that he held land in these places
in fee of the king [Yorks. Inq., ii, no. 126).
7 The origin of this and other land was due to a charter of William
Paynel giving to the abp of Canterbury the fee of 7 knights which Robert
de Meinil III was holding of him, 1196-98 ( E.Y.C. , vi, no. 88); and for the
succession of the Paynel family to several of the Domesday holdings of the
count of Mortain see ibid., pp. 185-7.
8 Feudal Aids, vi, 32.
9 Her parentage is unknown; but it is not unlikely that she was the
representative of the unnamed knight of the abp of York at ‘Santriburtone’
in 1086 (see above). There are parallels to her name in Erenburgis wife of
Fulk of Anjou and paternal grandmother of king Henry II {Cal. Docs.
France, no. 1405); Eremburgis the wife of a benefactor of the abbey of
Jumieges c. 1128 (Vernier, Chartes de V Abb aye de Jumieges, i, 148); and
Erneburga wife of Robert de Stuteville II, captured shortly before the
battle of Tinchebrai in 1106 (. E.Y.C. , ix, p. 2).
200
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
thorpe which was of her own patrimony and inheritance.1 It is
likely that as the ‘Santriburtone’ of Domesday was known as
Erneburgh Burton2 before it became known as Burton Constable,
she brought that place also to Ulbert in marriage.
Farrer assigned the date of her charter to Swine priory as
1155-70; but over twenty witnesses occur in the list of those who
witnessed Robert the constable’s charter to Thomas and Ralph
de Alost,3 to which he assigned the date 1185-95 (though these
limits may be too late). As Erneburga’s charter was witnessed by
Thomas de Alost and Stephen and John his brothers (her sons
by her second marriage) a date earlier than 1170 is unlikely.
The gift of 10 bovates of land and 8 tofts in Fraisthorpe made
by Erneburga and confirmed by Robert the constable her son is
mentioned in a charter of the prioress of Swine in the thirteenth
century.4
Erneburga married as her second husband Gilbert de Alost,
by whom she had issue Thomas de Alost and four other sons, and
a daughter Beatrice who married Henry de Cayton and whose
daughter Erneburga married Oliver de Croom.5 These children
must have been considerably younger than her sons by her first
husband; but the chronological difficulty is not insuperable.
By Erneburga Ulbert the constable had two sons Robert,
his successor; and William, the father of Robert the younger.
Robert the Constable I.6 He was the elder son of Ulbert
the constable by Erneburga de Burton, and heir both to his
father and mother. As he witnessed a charter of William count
of Aumale in favour of Meaux abbey, 11 50-53, 7 and as it is stated
in the Meaux Chronicle8 that he was senex et plenus dierum when
as one of the knights of the count of Aumale he started with
king Richard I on crusade, his birth can be placed as not later
than c. 1130-35.
With William his brother he witnessed a charter of William
count of Aumale, 11 70-75 ;9 and he witnessed other charters of
the same, who died in 1179, of varying dates,10 and two of William
de Mandeville, earl of Essex and lord of Holderness, 1179-89.11
He was the donor of land and rents in Halsham and Burton
Constable ( Erneburgh Burton ) to Thornton abbey, co. Lincoln.12
1 E.Y.C., iii, no. 1361.
2 So named in ibid., no. 1312, a confirmation of king Richard I to
Thornton abbey.
3 See below. • 4 Bridlington Chartulary, p. 201.
5 See the Alost descent given below.
6 There is no documentary evidence available to show that he held
the office of constable under any of the lords of Holderness; and it may
be that he used the name as a species of inheritance, like the Constables
of Flamborough. As will be noted in the text below he was steward to
earl William de Mandeville, who was lord of Holderness jure uxoris.
7 E.Y.C., iii, no. 1381. 8 Chron. de Melsa, i, 220.
9 E.Y.C., iii, no. 1308.
10 Ibid., nos. 1309, 1320, 1400, 1406; and 1307, issued at Aumale.
11 Ibid., nos. 1310-1. 12 Ibid., no. 1312.
EARLY GENERATIONS OF CONSTABLE OF HALSHAM 201
He had given permission for Gilbert de Alost to acquire
land in Fraisthorpe as of his own inheritance, to hold of him and
his heirs to Gilbert and his heirs. This permission is stated in his
charter to Thomas de Alost, described as his brother and son of
Gilbert de Alost, restoring to him a capital messuage and two
carucates of land in Fraisthorpe, and restoring to Ralph de Alost,
also described as his brother, two other carucates there, with
remainder in default of issue to Thomas and his heirs; to be held
of Robert (the grantor) and his heirs.1 He also issued a separate
charter on the same occasion to Ralph de Alost to the same
effect.2 These charters were presumably issued soon after the
death of Gilbert de Alost; and, as noted above, they were con-
temporaneous with the charter issued by Erneburga de Burton
to Swine priory. Farrer assigned the date of the first of them
as 11 85-95 ;3 but the latter limit is later than Robert’s death on
crusade. Loyd was of opinion that it was earlier than the final
concord of 16 Oct. 1182 between Thomas de Alost and Bridlington
priory. By that agreement4 Thomas quitclaimed to the priory
the vill of Speeton in return for a carucate of land in Fraisthorpe
to be held of the canons for 2s. yearly.5 But it is likely that this
carucate was the one which had been confirmed to the priory by
Roger de Mowbray at a much earlier date,6 and was separate
from the 4 carucates restored to Thomas and Ralph de Alost.
However that may be, it seems safe to give the period of Robert’s
charters to his Alost brothers as 1170-85. Loyd gave conclusive
reasons to show that they were Robert’s brothers of the half-blood.
Robert the constable issued a charter at Whitsuntide 1188,
at the request of earl William de Mandeville, giving his lordship
of Tharlesthorpe to the monks of Meaux, William, Robert’s
brother, being then alive.7
On starting for the crusade he received a loan of 160 marks
from the monks, to whom he assigned the vills of Tharlesthorpe
and Halsham to be retained until the loan was repaid from their
proceeds; and it is stated that he had acquired the first of these
vills, a member of the archbishop’s fee, from the ancestors of
Peter de Frodingham.8 Described as steward of earl William
de Mandeville he was among those who died at the siege of Acre
in 1190 or 1191. 9
It is recorded in the Meaux Chronicle that his gifts to the
abbey were confirmed by his brothers and relations, except
William his next brother who died before him, and that William’s
1 Ibid., ii, no. 808; and Hatton Bk of Seals, no. 520, with a valuable
annotation by Mr. Lewis Loyd.
2 Bridlington Chartulary, p. 195; and Hatton Bk of Seals, no. 521.
3 By a slip he gave the grantor as Robert the constable (of Flam-
borough) instead of Robert the constable (of Halsham).
4 E.Y.C., ii, no. 1220.
5 He did not quitclaim to them the carucate in Fraisthorpe, as in
Loyd’s note.
6 Bridlington Chartulary, p. 206. 7 E.Y.C., iii, no. 1364.
8 Chron. de Melsa, i, pp. 220-1. 9 Roger of Howden, iii, 89.
202
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
son Robert succeeded him.1 It can therefore be deduced that
William died between 1188 and 1191.
In an assize of darrein presentment to the church of Halsham
brought in 1207 by Robert the constable (the younger) against
Morgan provost of Beverley the jurors said that Robert the
constable, Robert’s uncle, had presented the last rector, Hugh
the chaplain.2 Although Robert won the case it was later revived,
and it was stated that Robert the uncle had quitclaimed the
advowson to the church of Beverley.3 This statement was in-
cluded in a final concord in 1212 by which Robert the younger
recognised the right of the provost and church of Beverley.4 *
Robert the Constable II. As son of William the constable
he confirmed to Bridlington priory all the donations and con-
firmations of Thomas de Alost his uncle [patrui)\h and Thomas
de Alost quitclaimed to him 3 carucat.es in Burton Constable,
3 carucates in West Newton, 2 carucates in Tharlesthorpe and
2 carucates in Morton [? recte Marton, par. Swine], receiving
25 marks, and also, describing Robert as his nephew, half a
carucate in Flinton for 3 marks.6
He married Ela daughter of Fulk de Oyri with whom he
had in frank-marriage half a carucate of land which Robert the
constable his uncle had given to Walter Thanet;7 and from them
descended the family of Constable of Halsham and Burton Con-
stable in the male line until the death of William Constable, 4th
Viscount Dunbar in 1718, when the succession passed to the
families of Tunstall, Sheldon, Clifford, and Chichester, whose
representatives successively took the name of Constable.8
§2. THE FAMILY OF ALOST
Gilbert de Alost. It can be assumed that he took his
name from Alost near Ghent, the lordship of which was held by
the family of Gilbert de Gant, the Domesday tenant.9 It is
probable that he was related to William de Alost, for the custody
of whose land of Walter de Gant’s fee in Lincolnshire the latter
rendered account of the large sum of 9 8li. 3s. at Michaelmas
1 1 30 ;10 but no documentary evidence is available for the location
of the land. This William is, however, presumably the William
de Alost who in 1115-18 held 2 bovates out of the 5f carucates
of the tenancy-in-chief of count Stephen of Aumale in Thimbleby
and elsewhere in Horncastle wapentake, co Lincoln, Walter de
1 Chron. de Melsa, i, 220. 2 Curia Regis Rolls, v, 87.
3 Ibid., vi, pp. 126, 375, 403. 4 Yorks. Fines, John, p. 171.
5 Bridlington Chartulary, p. 201.
6 Poulson, Holderness, ii, 229 n, giving the texts, abbreviated, with
witnesses, of two charters.
7 Ibid., p. 230, giving the abbreviated text of a charter similarly.
8 Ibid., pp. 230-4; J. W. Clay, Ext. and Dormant Peerages, pp. 27-31;
Dugdale’s Visitation of Yorks., ed. J. W. Clay, ii, pp. 297, 302-7.
9 A, S, Ellis in Y.A.J., iv. 230, i° Pipe Roll 31 Hen. I, p. 111.
EARLY GENERATIONS OF CONSTABLE OF HALSHAM
203
Gant also holding land in Thimbleby.1 A Ralph de Alost wit-
nessed with Walter and Ralph de Gant a charter of king Henry
I in favour of Bardney abbey in 111 5.2
According to the suggestion made above Gilbert de Alost
married Erneburga de Burton, widow of Ulbert the constable,
and by her had issue :
(1) Thomas de Alost. Robert the constable the elder,
describing him as his brother and son of Gilbert de Alost, restored
to him a capital messuage and 2 carucates of land in Fraisthorpe
(see above). Thomas made several gifts to Bridlington priory of
land in Fraisthorpe, his charters mentioning Stephen his brother,
Simon his nephew and Erneburg his niece; in one of these he
gave his capital messuage there with his body [for burial];3
and his final concord made with the priory in 1182 has been
mentioned above. He was also a benefactor of St. Giles's hospital,
Beverley, giving 4 bovates of land in Fraisthorpe.4 In 1198 he
was one of the four knights in a case relating to Rillington.5
He had a son William, with whose consent as his heir he
issued two of his charters to Bridlington priory;6 but no further
record of William has been found.
(2) Ralph de Alost. The charter issued to him by Robert
the constable the elder has been mentioned above. He gave to
Simon his son and heir a bovate of land in Fraisthorpe, which
was confirmed by Thomas, Ralph's brother, and which was
given by Simon to Bridlington priory, his gift being confirmed by
Thomas who described Simon as his nephew.7 Simon’s wife
Maud le Cras, daughter of Alan de Brigham, sold 2 bovates of
land in Sewerby to Robert son of William de Sewerby.8
(3) Stephen de Alost. He gave 6 bovates of land in Frais-
thorpe to Bridlington priory, and confirmed gifts by Thomas his
brother thereto.9 He witnessed a charter of Ralph Mauleverer,
1202-10;10 and was living in 1208 when he rendered account of
5J marks in Yorkshire for a perjury.11
(4) John de Alost. With Thomas and Stephen his brothers
he witnessed the charter of Erneburga de Burton (their mother)
to Swine priory.12
(5) Hugh de Alost. As son of Gilbert he confirmed gifts by
Thomas his brother to Bridlington priory; and he had a son Hugh
1 Lindsey Survey, Lincoln Rec. Soc., p. 260.
2 Reg. Regum Anglo-N ormannorum , ii, no. 1097.
3 Bridlington Chartulary, pp. 195-7, 200, 206.
* E.Y.C., ii, nos. 809-10.
5 Curia Regis Rolls, vii, 345.
6 Bridlington Chartulary , pp. 196-7.
7 Ibid., p. 199; and, for other gifts by Simon, pp. 198, 200.
8 Yorks. Deeds, vi, nos. 399, 400.
9 Bridlington Chartulary, pp. 197, 200. 10 E.Y.C., vii, no. 67.
11 Pipe Roll 10 John, p. 153. 12 E.Y.C., iii, no. 1361.
204
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
who confirmed gifts made by Thomas described as his uncle. 1
(6) Beatrice. As widow of Henry son of Henry de Katton
[Cayton] she quitclaimed to Oliver de Croum [Croom, par.
Sledmere] and Erenburc his wife by final concords in 1206 a
third of a carucate in Lebberston [par. Cayton], which she
claimed as her dower, for other land there to hold for life; and
quitclaimed to others land in Osgodby [par. Cayton] which she
also claimed as her dower.2 Erneburg (her daughter), described
as daughter of Henry de Kayton and widow of Oliver de Crohom,
quitclaimed to Bridlington priory her right in a bovate of land
in Fraisthorpe, with a warranty of land in Lebberston to that
value, Oliver her husband having previously made a quitclaim;
and Oliver and Erneburg in her widowhood each quitclaimed their
right in two further bovates in the same place.3 Thomas son of
Oliver de Crohom confirmed to the priory the 3 bovates in Frais-
thorpe given by Erenburga his mother.4 As noted above Thomas
de Alost had a niece named Erneburg, with whom she can be
identified.
1 Bridlington Chartulary, pp. 197, 201. In 1204 an Agnes de Alost
claimed 24 acres in Gooderstone, Norfolk, as her dower, for which her
son Hugh de Alost was her warrantor ( Curia Regis Rolls, iii, 206) ; but no
clue has been found to connect her and that Hugh with Yorkshire.
2 Yorks. Fines, John, p. 102.
3 Bridlington Chartulary, pp. 207-8. In the second she is described as
daughter of Adam de Kayton; this, though quite clear in the MS., is an
obvious mistake. The descent Durand, Henry, Henry to William son of
Henry de Kaiton is given in a charter of the latter in ibid., p. 272; and she
was a sister of William.
4 Ibid., p. 208.
205
SIR GEORGE SAVILE, EDMUND BURKE,
AND THE YORKSHIRE REFORM
PROGRAMME, FEBRUARY, 1780
By Ian R. Christie.
In some newly discovered papers of the Yorkshire Associa-
tion, now in York City Library,1 there are three documents which
throw light on the parliamentary activity during February 1780
of Sir George Savile, member of parliament for Yorkshire. At
this time public discontent with the administration of Lord
North was at its height. The ministers, having provoked a war
with the American colonies, seemed well on the way to losing it,
and they were suspected by their critics of nursing authoritarian
tendencies and of keeping their power only by the corrupt use of
political patronage. A few weeks earlier, a group of Yorkshire
gentry, headed by the reverend Christopher Wyvill, had launched
the movement, which was to become the Yorkshire Association
and to take the lead in the country for the next four years in the
agitation for parliamentary reform. On 29 December 1779, at a
crowded meeting at York, a petition to the House of Commons
was adopted, protesting against 'sinecure places, efficient places
with exorbitant emoluments, and pensions unmerited by public
service’, on which, it was alleged, an excessive influence of the
crown in parliament had been based.2 About twenty copies of
the petition were then circulated throughout the county, and by
the end of January it had been signed by about eight thousand
of the county electors. The redress which it demanded formed
the first instalment of reform desired by the Yorkshiremen — a
part of what came to be generally described as 'economical
reform’— and support for it was immediately forthcoming from
many other constituencies. Meanwhile, during the same period,
the leaders of the parliamentary opposition to the North ministry,
taking their cue from the public agitation, began to sketch out
their own version of 'economical reform’, the centre-piece of which
was Edmund Burke’s plan for a reform of the court and ministerial
establishments.
The Yorkshire petition was sent from York to London
during the first week of February.3 On the 8th Savile presented
1 York City Library MSS. M.25. My thanks are due to the York
City Council and the City Library for permission to make use of these
manuscripts.
2 Christopher Wyvill, Political Papers, chiefly respecting the Attempt
of the County of York and other Considerable Districts ... to effect a Refor-
mation of . . . Parliament (six volumes, n.d.), i, 7-9.
3 Ibid., i, 76.
206 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
it in the House of Commons. During the course of the debate he
explained, that ‘something more was expected’ by the petitioners
than appeared on the face of Burke’s outline plan, due to be
presented to the House as a Bill later that week. On the 15th,
Savile secured the unopposed passage of a motion for an account
of all appointments, with the salaries attached to them, to be
laid before the House. He then moved for a list of all pensions,
but this motion was lost when the sudden illness of the Speaker
interrupted the proceedings of the House. On the 21st, he renewed
the motion for a list of pensions, and it was in substance defeated
by an amendment moved by Lord North. During this debate
he stated, that his ultimate intention was to secure the dis-
continuance of ‘unmerited pensions’. 1
Christopher Wyvill, the leader of the Yorkshire reformers,
came up to London at the end of January, and these proceedings
seem to have arisen out of discussions between himself, Savile,
and other Yorkshire politicians. The advance outline sketch of
Burke’s scheme of reform2 had two major faults from the York-
shiremen’s point of view. Neither on curtailment of pensions
(branch seven) nor on abolition of sinecure offices (branches
seven and eleven) did it appear sufficiently drastic or immediate
in operation. There was, indeed, a direct conflict of views between
Burke and the Yorkshire reformers. Their petition called for the
abolition of all sinecures and unmerited pensions, and for the
reduction of all exorbitant emoluments. On 11 February, when
Burke introduced his Bill, he went out of his way to criticize each
of these points. He dismissed an examination of existing pensions
as impracticable. He proposed simply to limit the annual sum
available for pensions in future, no further pensions being granted
until this branch of the expenditure had been reduced to the
maximum fixed by the judgment of parliament. He rejected the
Yorkshire contention that it was necessary to look for and eliminate
exorbitant salaries attached to efficient offices. He was prepared
to sweep away a large number of sinecures held at pleasure, on
the ground that these gave the crown an influence in parliament.
But he would not extinguish sinecures held by patent for life,
since these did not confer ‘influence’, the holders being financially
independent of the crown. He agreed that some of the emoluments
attached to these sinecures were excessive, and that fixed, limited
salaries should be established eventually, as the existing lives and
reversions should successively fall. But given this slow-working
reform, he was perfectly content, that the descendants of the
Walpoles, Pelhams, Townshends, and other great political families,
should remain quartered on the public funds.3
1 J. Almon, The Parliamentary Register, vol. xvii (1780), 72-5, 127-8,
130-1, 136.
2 The Correspondence of . . . Edmund Burke, ed. Fitzwilliam and Bourke
(four volumes, 1844), ii. 330-2.
3 The Works of Edmund Burke (Bohn edn., eight volumes, 1894-1900),
ii, 97-105.
SAVILE, BURKE AND YORKS. REFORM PROGRAMME
207
To secure unity of effort was always one of Wyvill’s major
concerns. In the situation of the moment he foresaw the danger
of a quarrel between Burke and the petitioners, and some of his
suggestions for averting this appear in the following memorandum.
This document, a copy, in which only the final note of five or
six lines is in Wyvill’s hand, was evidently sent to York for the
information of the county committee, of which he was the chairman.
It was endorsed: ‘7 Febr. 1780. Minutes sent by Mr. Wyvill of
a probable method of proceeding in Parliament.’ The contents ran:
On the supposition that neither the petition nor the plan of Mr. Burke
will be successful this session, it is evidently the interest of all parties
embarked in this cause, and consequently the interest of the public, that
the petitioning counties be not disgusted by the propositions of that plan,
or the mode of conducting it. For without the aid of those counties, it is
impossible the plan, even in part, should succeed next year.
I see no propositions in Mr. Burke’s scheme, that can disgust the
petitioners, except in the seventh and eleventh branches; and I conceive
those propositions can only disgust by the mode and time of offering them.
If a motion for cutting off the influence of the Crown in those instances
which Mr. Burke’s plan proposes to spare, were first made on the ground
of the petition, and rejected; that plan as it now stands might then be
brought forward, without a possibility of offence to the petitioning counties.
I submit it to the consideration of better judgments, whether such a motion
might not properly be made in the following manner.
Sir George Savile to declare, that he understands from his honourable
friend, that in many parts of his plan, the objects of reform are the same,
and pursued to the same extent as in the petition of Yorkshire, but that
in some respects the proposals differ, and the petitioners request a more
extensive reform than that conceived by Mr. Burke; particularly in the two
important articles of sinecure offices for life, by patent or otherwise; and
of the pension list. Therefore, in justice to his constituents, and the
declared sense of a large body of the people, to move for leave to bring
in bills to abolish all patent and other offices for life in the Exchequer,
Customs, and elsewhere, after the lives of the present possessors; and to
establish regulations for restraining the grant of pensions within reasonable
limits, and for some public service. According to this idea the proposal
of Mr. Burke’s plan would necessarily be postponed.
If Mr. Burke dislikes postponing his motion, another way of getting
over this difficulty presents itself. Mr. Burke understanding that Sir George
Savile has a motion to make of a larger reach on the subject of patent and
other places for life and pensions, than the extent of his idea; might beg
leave to defer proposing that part of his plan till the sense of the House
could be taken on the propositions which Sir George Savile has to make.
By either of these methods I conceive it possible to adjust the difference
between the two plans, without offence to the petitioners. Either of them
would leave to Mr. Burke’s share the greatest part of his plan; and all that
is particular to it, namely, what goes to improve the constitution of the
administration of the Civil List Revenues. And either of them would leave
to Sir George Savile not all, but the most material objects of reform
specifically proposed in the petition — The petitioners have the most perfect
confidence in Sir George Savile, and I conceive they wish him to take a
leading part on this occasion.
Below this was added, in Wyvill’s hand:
After some deliberation on the contents of this paper, and many other
expedients which were proposed to obviate difficulties, Sir Geo. Savile
determined to put in his claim, on presenting the petition, either to propose
a bill, to supply what might be found deficient in Mr. Burke’s plan, or else
to move corrections to bring it up to the terms of the petition.
208
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Accordingly, on 8 February, Savile made the explanation, that
additions to Burke’s scheme would be necessary. On the 11th,
Burke, as he had originally planned, moved for leave to bring in
his Establishment Bill. At this stage the eleventh branch, the
abolition of customs sinecures, was omitted.1 Whether this was
done by agreement with Savile does not appear. But by the 14th
it had been decided by the Yorkshiremen, that Savile should
proceed with a separate Bill and not by way of amendments to
Burke’s. The remaining two documents under consideration
record this decision and the line of action which was to follow
from it. At three o’clock on the afternoon of the 14th, Wyvill
wrote to his friend and collaborator, Stephen Croft, at York :
I am just come from Sir George Savile’s, where there was a meeting
of about a dozen friends to the petition. The inclosed motion was put into
more parliamentary language, and he is gone down to the House to give
notice that he will move the House tomorrow, on these questions. This
is the first preparatory step to his bringing forward a bill to make up the
deficiencies of Burke’s bill ... I shall be most happy to hear you and Mr.
Mason, and our friends in general approve the present mode proposed for
conducting our affairs.
With this letter he enclosed the following paper :
Motion on Monday by Sir G. S.
To lay upon the table lists of the pensions and patent and other places
for life.
This motion being carried, notice will be given by Sir G. S. that as
soon as is convenient after the above lists are delivered in, he will move
for a bill to abolish the patent and other places for life, making a fair
compensation to those who have interests in the same; and also for
establishing certain regulations for checking abuses in future in the grant
of pensions.
These are the intended additions, I believe, to Mr. Burke’s plan, and
they bring it up to the terms of the petition. Together they will produce
a reform fully satisfactory, it is hoped, to all our friends.
Savile accordingly made his motions of 15 and 21 February.
North’s successful amendment excluded the list of secret service
pensions from the returns he demanded, and this destroyed the
basis of a major part of his proposed legislation, which seems
thereupon to have been abandoned. But, in any case, the object
of the manoeuvre had now been secured. Wyvill could argue that
there was no longer any need for the reformers in the counties to
be ‘disgusted’, on the ground that Burke’s Establishment Bill did
not fully meet their demands.
1 Text of Burke’s Bill, Almon, The Parliamentary Register, vol. xvii
117801. 93-116.
209
MESOLITHIC FLINT AXES FROM THE
WEST RIDING OF YORKSHIRE
By J. Davies and W. F. Rankine.
Two unfinished Mesolithic flint axes have recently been
recorded from Rishworth, Calderdale and Blubberhouses Moor,
Mid- Wharf edale, respectively; the former was found by E. V.
Darby of Barkisland, Halifax and the other by J. Davies of
Bradford.
The Rishworth axe, measuring 6f" in length, maximum
width 2£" and maximum thickness 1J" was found about 1923 in
the bed of the reservoir on Ringstone Edge Moor when the level
of the water was low. The find-spot, at c. 1000' O.D. is \ mile
S.E. from the summit of the moor; Grid Ref. (1" O.S. Map Sheets
96, 102) SE 048183. The axe is illustrated in Petch (1924), Fig.
20a, where it is described as a (Neolithic) 'unpolished celt’ and
there is a passing reference to it as of ‘? Mesolithic type’ in Jackson
(1934). The tranchet contour and the flaking pattern shown in
the half-tone illustration attracted the attention of W. F. Rankine
who, eventually, was able to examine the axe through the kindness
of its finder. It proved to be a Mesolithic axe abandoned in the
making.
The implement is of dull grey flint with a core of cherty
material which, apparently, was the reason why the axe was not
finished. Fig. 1b shows that the flat flaking of the ventral surface
had been successfully commenced but the large hollow in the
cherty area prevented its completion. Fig. 1a shows that an
incipient median ridge on the dorsal surface and a satisfactory
side edge had been established before the axe was abandoned.
The finder states that some large flakes of grey flint were
found with the axe but not retained. These were possibly the
trimming flakes.
The second axe was found in March 1959 in a small erosion
patch on Black Fell, Blubberhouses Moor at about 1250' O.D.,
the find spot being about J mile east of the summit; Grid Ref.
(1" O.S. Map sheet 96). S.E. 128535. This was almost completely
buried in a recent unconsolidated deposit of sand (formed from
decomposed rock) and finely comminuted peat, both probably
wind borne.
This flint is best described as a tranchet ‘rough-out’ and
Fig. 2 diagrammatically indicates its flaking history. B. shows
the first stage of development; a flint nodule just over 5" in
length has been boldly flaked laterally to form a sharp cutting
edge. This was successfully done. Longitudinal flaking from the
intended cutting end of the axe, A and C, was effected on both
210 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
surfaces. Attempts to flake another side edge proved abortive
because a flaking platform could not be established on the curving
surface. Many attempts were made to flake this edge and this is
shown by the broken cortex of the nodule (c in both A and C)
and a number of incipient cones of percussion. The implement
has been made from a beach pebble, probably from the Brid-
lington area, and the butt is much abraded from use as a hammer
stone.
Fig. 1.
Tranchet Axe from Ringstone Edge Moor (W.R.).
Both flints are of Maglemosian type, the first to be recorded
from West Yorkshire, though, unfortunately, the circumstances
of their discovery preclude any possibility of precise dating. The
surface of these moors consists of a podsolised mineral soil, derived
from the weathering of Millstone Grit strata, underlying blanket
bog peat, the continued erosion of which exposes flints in patches.
With the exception of post-Mesolithic artefacts (which may
derive from the peat itself) the majority of these have a Sauve-
terrian facies (Clark, 1956), though certain of the microlithic forms
such as some long obliquely blunted points from Blubberhouses
Moor and three isosceles triangles from Ringstone Edge Moor may
possibly be co-eval with the axes. It should be observed, however,
that even if the axes had been found sealed in by peat in situ it
MESOLITHIC FLINT AXES, W.R. YORKS.
211
might not have been possible, in the absence of contemporaneous
organic matter to assign more than a minimum dating to them.
The “basal layers of blanket bog peat are particularly
difficult to date by pollen analytical means” (Walker 1957) but
where they have been investigated in the Pennines they have
been shown to belong to the Atlantic (pollen analytical Zone
Vila) or even a later period. Thus there might be in many places
a considerable hiatus between the early post-Glacial occupation of
the moors and the deposition of the peat.
A B c
Fig. 2.
Tranchet Axe from Blubberhouses Moor (W.R.).
On Blubberhouses Moor itself a small microlithic flaking
floor covered by about 12" of highly humified blanket bog peat was
found by J. Davies on the northern flank at about 1000' O.D. in
October 1955. The following month Dr. D. Walker of the
University Sub-Department of Quaternary Research, Cambridge,
sampled the peat for pollen analysis. The results suggested a
Sub-Boreal (Zone Vllb) or even a later dating, though “the data
are insufficient to allow a close dating. Unfortunately no direct
correlation between the age of the peat and the age of the artefacts
in the underlying sand is possible” (Walker, private communica-
tion).
The site at Stump Cross, a few miles to the north was
exceptional in that flints of Sauveterrian affinities were actually
stratified in peaty detritus dating from the Boreal-Atlantic
transition to the middle of the Atlantic, the first and, so far, the
only direct dating of a Pennine microlithic industry. (Walker 1957).
WE5T HAfm.Ef*OkJ
212
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Fig. 3. Distribution of Tranchet Axes in Yorkshire.
KISH WORTH
MESOLITHIC FLINT AXES, W.R. YORKS.
213
It is perhaps not inopportune to list here the known York-
shire tranchet axes. Two surface finds are recorded from Nova,
near Pickering (NR) and Cock Heads, Glaisdale (NR) respectively.
(Elgee, F. 1930; Elgee, F. and H. W. 1933). Armstrong (1923)
describes and illustrates a tranchet exposed by a fall of cliff at
Skipsea (ER), containing a section of mere deposits from which
it was almost certainly derived as well as a comparable specimen,
also from Skipsea, found in April 1906 by B. Morfitt. The two
proto-Maglemosian sites at Flixton (NR) (Moore, 1950) and Star
Carr (NR) (Clark 1954) yielded two and seven tranchets re-
spectively. (Both of these are very small numbers compared with
the total number of flints from each site, namely 7,728, and
16,937.) Finally, from just over the border in Co. Durham,
Trechmann (1936) records a tranchet in the Sunderland Museum,
which was found about 1860 by E. C. Robson in the submerged
forest on the shore near West Hartlepool.
This distribution is illustrated in Fig. 3.
Discussion. (W.F.R.)
Both axes undoubtedly belong to one of the Maglemosian
folk-movements from north-west Europe which reached the
north-east of the country during the pre-Boreal-Atlantic climatic
phases (circa 8000-4000 B.C.) as testified, for instance, by Star
Carr and the stray tranchet axes recorded in the foregoing
paragraph.
The significant feature of the Rishworth tranchet is its
flatly dressed ventral surface (see fig. 1b) to which the writer
attaches some diagnostic value. This tranchet type, in a Magle-
mosian context, has been recorded from all over the Thames
Region, but whether this flat flaking technique may be assigned
to an Early or Late, or both Early and Late Maglemosian in-
dustries cannot be determined in the absence of comparative
discovery data.
The presence of these axes in the West Riding, many miles
from the coast, naturally directs attention to the possibility that
other Maglemosian implement types may yet be found in the
region. A study of the occurrence and distribution of the hour-
glass perforated pebble which has a Maglemosian date (Rankine
1949) would aid this enquiry.
Finally, Buckley’s broad blade industry should be carefully
re-examined with regard to its possible affinities with Maglemose
particularly in connexion with the raw flint material used in the
West Riding. It is claimed that a poor whitish to grey flint was
exploited by the broad blade knappers and it is rather significant
that the Rishworth tranchet was roughed out from such raw
material.
Although, according to records, intensive flint collecting has
been in progress in the Huddersfield district since 1870 it is more
than remarkable that until recently no axe, nor sharpening flake,
had been recorded. However, it must be borne in mind that
214
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
both specimens which form the subject of this contribution only
just escaped passing into oblivion.
References.
Armstrong, A. L., 1923. “The Maglemose Remains of Holderness and their
Baltic Counterparts” P.P.S.E.A., Vol. IV.
Clark, J. D. G., 1954. “Excavations at Star Carr.”
Clark, J. D. G., 1956. “A Microlithic Industry from the Cambridgeshire
Fenlands and other British Industries of Sauveterrian Affinities”,
P.P.S., Vol. XXI.
Elgee, F., 1930. Early Man in North-East Yorkshire.
Elgee, F. and H. W., 1933. The Archaeology of Yorkshire.
Jackson, J. W., 1936. “The Prehistoric Archaeology of Lancashire and
Cheshire. Trans. Lancs. & Ches. Ant. Soc., Vol. L.
Moore, J., 1950. “Mesolithic Sites in the Neighbourhood of Flixton, North-
East Yorkshire”, P.P.S., Vol. XVI.
Petch, J. A., 1924. Early Man in the District of Huddersfield.
Rankine, W. F., 1949. “Maceheads with Mesolithic Associations from
South-East England”, P.P.S., Vol. XV.
Trechmann, C. T., 1936. “Mesolithic Flints from the Submerged Forest at
West Hartlepool”, P.P.S., Vol. II, Part 2.
Walker, D., 1957. “A site at Stump Cross, near Grassington, Yorkshire,
and the Age of the Pennine Microlithic Industry”, P.P.S., Vol. XXII.
215
A RING-MARKED ROCK
The Grey Stone, Harewood Park
By E. T. Cowling and C. E. Hartley.
In October, 1958, Mr. C. E. Hartley noted a carving of the
‘'cup and ring” type on the Grey Stone in Harewood Park. This
large boulder is perched on the brow of the hill which overlooks
Harewood House from the south. Its situation suggests that it
was carried from higher up the valley of the Wharfe and left in
its present position by glacial action. In shape the boulder
resembles a hut with a steep roof; the height is about ten feet and
the length north and south some fourteen feet; the width is some
ten feet at the base. The surface bears several cups which may
be artificial, but which are so weathered, along with the whole
surface, that no traces of working remain. A large piece of rock
at the south end has broken away long ago and the buried outer
surface of this portion may have cups in a better state of preserva-
tion. The cups are an average of 3 ins. in diameter but are not
arranged in a coherent design.
The northern end is roughly upright and slightly concave,
with a surface about six feet high and eight feet wide. In the
centre of the area at about eye level is a carving of “cup and
ring” type with seven concentric ovals. The vertical height is
24 ins. and the breadth 21 ins., and the carving has a shield-like
appearance. The central area seems to be worked and may show
attempts at further ovals in this small central area. The rings
are made by puncturing the rock surface in lines of small holes
and rubbing down the walls between. This technique is the usual
one employed on Rombalds Moor on “cup and ring” markings
and is plainly seen on the Panorama Rock marking. The absence
of a central cup in the Grey Stone carving is unusual in the West
Riding group and the number of concentric rings is one greater
than in any other examples.
A classification of local “cup and ring” markings can be
made by grouping according to the maximum number of rings to
be found. From this it will be seen that the most elaborate
markings, those with the most rings, are the earliest and the
majority of the remainder are a series of copies which degenerate
and simplify at each stage. This being so, it appears that the
Grey Stone marking is one of the earliest in the district, of the
same date as the Panorama Stone and the alleged cist stone at
Adel. The Panorama Stone has a maximum of six rings and the
Adel Stone has six concentric diamonds. Whereas the Panorama
Stone carving appears to have been a prototype for many of the
local carvings, the other two do not seem to have been copied.
216
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
This find extends the area covered by the West Riding
group by about four miles to the east. It has an area roughly
twenty miles each way, centred on Rombalds Moor, the watershed
of the Aire and Wharfe. The Grey Stone stands on the ridge which
carried the prehistoric track across England from coast to coast
by way of the Aire Gap. This has been an invasion and migration
route from the days when Mesolithic man used it to obtain flint
from the Bridlington area. It may not be without significance
that an exactly similar, but larger, carving is to be seen on the
Coronation Stone at Cashel, the residence of the kings of Con-
naught and a centre of great antiquity.
The Bronze Age associations of cup and ring markings have
long been noted. In Brittany and Ireland they are found in
chambered tombs which were used from the dawn of the Bronze
Age onwards and in Scotland and the Peak District they are
cut on the stones of Bronze Age cists. These markings are of
simple and late type and are similar to those cut on a stone
interred with a boat burial at Brotton Howe, for which a date of
1450 B.C. has been suggested.
As the Grey Stone example seems to come early in our
local series, it may be dated to the beginning of the Bronze Age
in this district, approximately 1900 B.C.
It should be noted that the Grey Stone is in a private park
and the authors had a permit to visit the area.
Feet
Photograph of N.W. face of the Grey
Stone, Harewood Park, showing Multi-
ring Carving.
217
PORTRAIT OF A YORKSHIRE SQUIRE:
JOHN FULLERTON OF THRYBERGH
(1778-1847)
By J. T. Ward.
In recent years social and economic historians have under-
taken increasingly detailed research on the history of the Landed
Interest. From family records, estate accounts and personal
correspondence, often stored in forgotten boxes in old manor
houses, a vast new field of historical exploration is being opened.
In particular, a large amount of nineteenth century history is now
being uncovered for the first time. The propagandist claims of
the Anti-Corn-Law League, accepted as historical facts for genera-
tions, are seriously questioned. New evidence is slowly emerging
about the reactions of landowners to industrial development, the
methods of estate management and farming, the connections
between great rural estates and urban and mineral properties,
and the effects of agricultural free trade on English agriculture.
Above all, perhaps, the social historian is able to construct a much
more detailed picture of a vanished society, of the traditional
form of English rural life, which was slowly changed by the
dynamic industrialism of the last century and which virtually
died in 1914.
The following account, reproduced by kind permission of
Miss C. E. Leeke and Mr. J. R. R. Fullerton, to whom I am
indebted for much generous help, was written by Mrs. Frances
Fullerton-Smith as a biographical memoir of her father, John
Fullerton of Thrybergh Park, near Rotherham. Frances Fullerton
was the fourth daughter of Colonel Fullerton and married the
Reverend Charles Smith, Rector of East Garston in Berkshire,
who was the son of the Dean of Christ Church, Oxford; she died
in 1896 and apparently wrote her notes in the late nineteenth
century.
The Fullertons were an old Scottish family, related to Sir
James Fullarton, first Gentleman of the Bedchamber to Charles I.
For over a century, they lived at Craighall in Ayrshire, marrying
into the families of local lairds and merchants. John Fullarton,
born in 1716, had a more adventurous life, travelling in India,
where his uncle John lived, and narrowly escaping the Jedda
massacre, on the Red Sea. As his second wife, he married a Miss
Weston, of West Horsley Place, Surrey. Three children were
born of the marriage: John, the first to adopt the modern spelling
of Fullerton, Weston, who died unmarried, and Judith, who made
a fashionable marriage to Savile Finch, M.P., of Thrybergh Hall.
218 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
John, the elder son, entered the Anglican priesthood and was for
many years Rector of Stratford-on-Avon. He married Rebecca,
daughter of Charles Garth, M.P., of Haines Hill, the squire of
some 2,500 Berkshire acres. They had two children, Judith and
John, the subject of this paper.
Thrybergh Park is situated near the village of Thrybergh,
3J miles North East of Rotherham. The parish had belonged to
William de Perci, the founder of the house of Percy, and later to
many generations of the Reresby family, for whom a baronetcy
was created in 1642. Sir William, the profligate third baronet,
sold or gambled away the estate in 1705, to John Savile of
Methley, grandfather of the first Earl of Mexborough. Savile’s
eldest son predeceased him and, after the deaths of his two eldest
grandsons, Thrybergh fell to his grand-daughter, Elizabeth, who
married the hon. John Finch, second son of the first Earl of
Aylesford. Finch died in 1740 and his wife in 1767, when the
estate passed to their son, Savile, who sat for Malton between
1761 and 1780; he married Judith Fullerton and bequeathed the
property to her, their marriage being childless.
The Thrybergh estate, consisting of mixed arable and grass
farms, was reported by the Commissioners for the Return of
Owners of Land to consist of 3,331 acres in 1873 and this figure
was later confirmed as substantially correct by the owner, Thomas
Gray Fullerton. The same report recorded the high gross annual
value of £1 3,000 J like many other West Riding landowners, the
Fullertons drew considerable revenues from the coal under their
land, by royalties and mine rents. Stretching to Rotherham on
the West, Kilnhurst to the North-West and Mexborough and
Denaby on the North-East, the property was situated close to
the bustling industry of nineteenth-century Yorkshire. Although
the Fullertons did not join most of the neighbouring gentry in
the orgy of railway speculation in the 1840’s, John Fullerton
bought North Midland shares in 1842 and both the Midland and
Great Central Railways ran near the estate. The work of a
conscientious magistrate and yeomanry officer brought the
squire into close contact with the changing world beyond the
estate boundaries. Nevertheless, Mrs. Fullerton-Smith’s account
demonstrates how one little rural community retained its cohesion
and individuality well into the Industrial Age and how one Tory
squire maintained the life, traditions and standards of a gradually
disintegrating society. This little sketch presents a delightful
cameo of a section of nineteenth century West Riding life and
society of which little now remains.
“The Account of Mrs. Fullerton-Smith.”
My father, John Fullerton of Thrybergh Park, Yorkshire,
was born in February, 1778, the only son of the Revd. John
1 Return of The Owners of Land, 1873 (London: 1875), Vol. II: West
Riding section, p. 37; cf. John Bateman: The Great Landowners of Great
Britain and Ireland, (London: 1879), p. 172; (1883 ed.), p. 177.
PORTRAIT OF A YORKSHIRE SQUIRE
219
Fullerton, Rector of All Cannings, five miles from Devizes, and
Stratford-on-Avon. His mother was Miss Garth, whose father
was member for Devizes for several years; he had one sister, two
years older than himself, but she died when he was only nine and
was buried in Stratford-on-Avon Church. My grandfather had a
house called the College, in Stratford-on-Avon, and about 1,000
acres in the neighbourhood, which was left to him by his aunt,
Mrs. Kendal, whose picture was over the door in the dining room
in my day.
My father was sent to school at Putney when he was about
eight, and his companion in his bedroom was Lord Courtenay,
afterwards Earl of Devon.1 His sister, Lady Catherine Berens,
told me, when I met her at Oxford in 1846, that she was a great
friend of my mother’s and of aunt Sophy’s. My father went to
Westminster in 1789 and left in 1793, being then the third boy
in the sixth form; and his parents took him to Oxford and entered
him as a commoner at Christ Church, being then not 16. In that
year, he paid his first visit to his aunt, Mrs. Finch, at Thrybergh,
with his parents. Soon after, his father had an attack of palsy,
and he lived chiefly in London, in a house he had in Upper Brook
Street; but in the summer they went to Brighton, Weymouth and
Tunbridge Wells, where they had the best society.
His parents were anxious that my father should have an
independent home of his own, so he was induced to become a
candidate for a Fellowship at All Souls when he had been three
years at Christ Church, and was duly elected. His most intimate
friends had preceded him there the year or two years before; I
think they were Lord Talbot,2 Mr. Levett3 and Dr. Milner,4
afterwards Rector of Thrybergh. They were all older than my
father, and two years before he died, Lord Talbot, my father and
Mr. Levett dined together at the house of the last, and I was
there too. My father was very fond of hunting and one year he
mentions he stopped for hunting at Lord Talbot’s in Staffordshire,
then went on to Lord Man vers, 5 in Nottinghamshire and then to
1 William Courtenay (1777-1859), 29th Earl of Devon: son of Henry
Reginald, Bishop of Exeter; ed. Westminster and Christ Church; barrister,
bankruptcy commissioner, Tory M.P. for Exeter, 1812-26 and Assistant
Clerk of Parliament, 1826-35; succeeded his third cousin, for whom the
title had been revived in 1831 (despite his bad claim), in 1835.
2 Charles Chetwynd-Talbot, 3rd Earl Talbot (1777-1849), of Ingestre
Hall; educ. Christ Church; Lord Lieutenant of Staffs., Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland (1817-21), K.G., 1844; large Tory landowner and agricultural
improver in Staffs., etc.; father of the 18th Earl of Shrewsbury.
3 Probably Theophilus Levett (d.1839), of Wychnor Park, Staffs.
4 The Rev. Henry Stephen Milner, D.D., T.P., Rector of Thrybergh
from 1811.
5 Charles Pierrepoint, 1st Earl Manvers (1737-1816); naval captain.
Whig M.P. for Notts., 1778-96; inherited estates of Duke of Kingston,
1773; cr. Viscount Newark, 1796, Earl Manvers, 1806; his seat was Thoresby
Park, Notts.
220 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
the Duke of Leeds’,1 about ten miles from Thrybergh, where he
again visited Mrs. Finch, and then returned to London. He went
with his parents that summer to Tunbridge Wells, where he made
the acquaintance of my mother with her mother and father, Mr. and
Lady Elizabeth Townsend,2 who invited him to Honnington the next
time he went to Stratford-on-Avon to collect the rents for his father.
While on one of these visits, he heard of his father’s illness
and posted immediately to London, riding from Oxford, the
quickest way in those days. The illness ended fatally in May,
1800, and he then devoted himself to his mother, and went with
her to her brother’s, General Garth, in Dorsetshire. She finally
took a house two miles from Windsor and sold the house in
London. Here he met my mother again, when she was staying
at her uncle’s, Mr. Windsor’s, at Braywick, and soon after they
were engaged. My father then took Barford Hall, about seven
miles from Honnington, for his mother; and after his marriage
she continued to live with them till her death. Mrs. Finch then
requested him to come and live at Bramley and look after things
at Thrybergh, which he did and gave up Barford Hall. When
Mrs. Finch died, she left everything to my great uncle Weston at
Horsley, except a handsome legacy to my father; but uncle Weston
sent for my father and, saying he had no wish to live in Yorkshire,
gave up the whole of the property to him at once.3
In 1808, my father was made High Sheriff of Warwickshire,
but as he had then come to live in Yorkshire, after the first
Assizes he deputed uncle Tom Townsend to act for him; and
when, after two or three years, he was nominated as High Sheriff
for the West Riding of Yorkshire, his former appointment in
Warwickshire served as an excuse for his standing (down). After
Mrs. Finch’s death, it was found that the old Hall was quite
unsafe to live in and that it would cost more to repair it than to
build a new house; besides, the situation was so bad, the principal
room looking into the Church yard and the supply of water so
deficient.4 In 1810 and 1811, a fall of timber was therefore
ordered, to the amount of £11,600, and Mr. Webb was chosen to
be architect and decided upon the present site to build upon;
and in 1813 or 1814 they took possession of the new house.5 My
1 George William Frederick Osborne, 6th Duke of Leeds (1775-1838);
Lord Lieutenant of North Riding, Master of the Horse, K.G. (1827); suc-
ceeded to West Riding properties of the Baronies of Conyers and Darcy
through his mother.
2 Louisa (1782-1818), daughter of Gore Townsend of Honnington Hall,
Warwicks., and his wife. Lady Elizabeth, daughter of the 4th Earl of
Plymouth; she married John Fullerton on 10 Dec. 1801 and bore him eight
children.
3 Mrs. Finch died in 1803; Weston, her brother, died unmarried.
4 Two original sketches of the old hall, by Dr. Nathaniel Johnston,
the antiquary, are in the Sheffield Central Library.
5 The new Hall was a turretted and battlemented Gothic edifice,
illustrated in its original condition in Rev. F. O. Morris: Picturesque Views
of the Seats of the Noblemen and Gentlemen of Great Britain (Leeds: n.d.),
Yol. I, p. 33.
PORTRAIT OF A YORKSHIRE SQUIRE
221
mother died at Buxton, in May, 1818, when I was a year and
five months old; she had been ailing for some time (and) went
there at the physician's request, but the journey was too fatiguing
for her, and she died in a few days.
These memorandums to 1815 are from a written account of
my father’s, found in a drawer after his death but (which) had
never been mentioned to any one of us. (It was) left off abruptly;
he evidently intended to finish it. It was written in 1818 after
my mother’s death, with a loving account of all her virtues and
goodness and many more particulars of his life. Of course, I,
born February 12, 1815, can remember nothing till about 1823,
except visions of uncles and aunts coming from Honnington.
But in 1823, when my brother Jack came of age, I have distant
recollections of the ball and guards of yeomanry that night and
large dinner parties to the Yeomanry amongst others. In 1868, I
met an old lady at Rugby, a Mrs. Isham, who told me she was
at that Ball with a party from Sir George Cooke’s at Wheatby;
she was then a Miss Murray, daughter of Sir Alexander Murray.1
My father had a house in Cumberland Street (Bryanston
Square), for a few years (but gave it up in 1826), where we went
every year for two or three months, my sister Horatia being a
great invalid and requiring constant advice from Doctors.2 My
father used to drive her out in his phaeton every day into the
country to Hampstead or elsewhere for two hours, before he
went for his ride, or to take my eldest sister out. My father hunted
regularly and often stayed for hunting at Lord Manvers’ and Mr.
Tribeck’s in Nottinghamshire, and my eldest sister accompanied
him; but at Christmas he was always at home and on S. Thomas’s
Day, crowds of old and young women used to come from our
village and from Bramley, Denaby, Kilnhurst and Mexbro, to
receive blankets or clothing, beef and corn. There was always a
Devon ox killed out of the Park and the farmers had to weigh out
certain portions of wheat. Several poor widows had 5/- each, the
home labourers always had linen for a shirt and flannel for a
waistcoat and their wives had (the) choice of a blanket or flannel
and calico, and always a brown stuff or camlet gown. My sister
had a book to write their names in, and when I was old enough
I gave away the bundles to each as they came in; this used to
take us from half past nine or ten till three in the afternoon on
the 21st and 22nd.3
1 Charlotte Elizabeth Murray, daughter of Sir Patrick Murray, 6th
baronet, married the Rev. Arthur Isham, Rector of Weston Turvill, Bucks.,
in 1840. Sir George Cooke, 7th baronet, owned some 3,600 acres at Wheatley
Hall, Doncaster.
2 Horatia Sophia, John Fullerton’s third daughter, died unmarried in
1876.
3 The eldest of Fullerton’s four daughters was Anna, who married
George Ramsden, of Conisborough, and died in 1837; the second was
Elizabeth, who married Henry Pickard of Hooton Hall and Sturminster
Marshall and died in 1854.
222 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
We always had a Ball to dance the old year out and the
new year in every year but one, till my brother Weston’s death
(not after).1 Some of my father’s acquaintances lived 15 or 16
miles off to whom invitations were sent, and all came, it did not
signify how bad the weather, sure of receiving a cordial welcome
from him.
The house was generally full from Christmas till the 9th
February, with sons and daughters, grandchildren, and nephews
and nieces, but after the 8th February, my father’s birthday, we
were all quiet till June, when we went into Warwickshire to pay
visits, and sometimes to London for three weeks, and then returned
home for haymaking. My father was devoted to his farms and
never liked to leave home till the turnips were sown, and then
back again for the hay, Quarter Sessions, etc., for he was most
particular in attending them and the magistrates’ meeting every
Monday, unless he had a very bad fit of gout; and also the Board
of Guardians. When the new workhouse was built at Rotherham,
he insisted on having one wing built for 3 or 6 couples who were
thoroughly respectable, but obliged to go into the House, saying
they should not be separated. Many people said it was against
the rules, but he would have it so while he was chairman.
My father was most particular in going to Church mornings
and afternoons. It did not signify how wet the weather was, we
never had the carriage out, till my sister became too lame to
walk, but took boots and stockings with us to change at the
Rectory, before going into the Church, and had camlet cloaks to
throw over our other things. If the servants, but one, were not
in Church before the service began, they were told that if they
were late again, they should not have the annual treat of going
to the Doncaster Races, when Lambert always drove them in the
cab phaeton, which held 8 altogether, including the coachman and
footman, so that eight went on Tuesday and eight on Thursday,
and were home by 7 o’clock.
From about 1823 to 1836 there was cricket twice a week in
the evenings for the villagers, in which my brother joined, and
once in the summer a band would come from Swinton and there
would be a dance for the villagers and servants till 9 o’clock.
The last was on the day of the Queen’s Coronation, when my
father danced a few turns of the country dance with Mrs. Whit-
taker and I with Mr. Whittaker, George’s uncle.2
1 Weston, second son of John Fullerton, married Charlotte, daughter
of the Rev. T. Trebeck, Rector of Chirley, Sussex, and was father of
Admiral Sir John Fullerton (1840-1918) and grandfather of Admiral Sir
E. J. A. Fullerton. Thomas, the third son, died in 1825 and Arthur, the
youngest, became the Rector of Thrybergh. John (1802-1871) inherited
the estate.
2 White’s History and Directory of Sheffield, with Rotherham, etc. (1833)
lists A. J. and William Whitaker as farmers at Thrybergh. In 1856, J.
Whittaker, a Thrybergh cattle dealer, was murdered at Dalton. I am
indebted to Mr. L. G. Lovell, Chief Librarian of Rotherham, for these
references.
PORTRAIT OF A YORKSHIRE SQUIRE
223
My father took me two years to Haines Hill, Captain Garth’s,
for Ascot Races, but that was before the railroad was made and
such crowds of people as there are now. The first year we went,
people stopped in their carriages, which were drawn up by the
side of the railings of the course, and a very pretty sight it was
to see the Royal carriages drive up the course, and a number of
nice turn outs, carriages with four horses, and outriders, belonging
to the nobility and gentry round, all so quiet and orderly, not the
rabble it is now. The second time we went was in 1845 and then
we had to go in the Grandstand as the railroad was open part of
the way from London and brought down a good many more
people.
My father always went out with the Yeomanry at Doncaster,
of which he was Lt. Colonel, the last week in September, till
three years before he died, when riding hurt his knees and he
retired, much to the regret of the regiment. I cannot remember
the year when he was presented by them with a very handsome
silver tea service, with an inscription, but I think it must have
been in 1827. Alas! it was all melted down when the pantry was
on fire in 1872, I think, when my eldest brother was living at
Thrybergh. The silver ought to have been put in the iron closet,
but the butler left it in the cupboard and a candle shut up
in it.
My father was presented with his portrait, by his tenants
and others in about the year 1838, but it is not a good likeness.
The Sheffield and Rotherham people particularly requested that
a native of the former place might be employed, and he, poor man,
was so anxious to make a good likeness, he would not let anyone
come into the room, which was partly darkened, so that my
father used to say he could scarcely keep awake, whereas if my
father had been allowed to have someone to talk to, the expression
of his mouth would have been quite different; and it was such a
long business, there were so many sittings required.
To show how freely my father was respected and beloved
by all grades of society, at the time of the great Chartist
rising (I think 1836), several houses in our neighbourhood
and beyond Sheffield belonging to Magistrates were marked
on the paper signed at the leader’s house, after to be blown
up, but Thrybergh was not on the list; no one would have
hurt him or his house. Our near neighbours at Ravenfield1
had their clothes packed in bundles all ready for flight several
nights, and one night my father was sent for after he had
gone to bed, to read the Riot Act at Rotherham, but the
1 Thomas Bosville (1799-1877), son of R. N. Lee, took the name of
Bosville by Royal Licence in 1829, on inheriting the Ravenfield Park and
Thorpe Hall estates from his cousin. He owned almost 9,000 acres in all
three Ridings.
224
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Yeomanry had cleared the streets, as soon as he arrived.1
How I wish we had saved all the letters we received after
his death, but I have only one, written to myself by Lord Talbot,
a very kind one. Lord Fitzwilliam’s2 to my brother Arthur was
most kind, saying “what a loss he was; as a friend, a neighbour,
a magistrate and Chairman of the Board of Guardians, he was
invaluable” — but all wrote the kindest letters showing how much
he was esteemed and regretted.
It was in 1813, when out with the Yeomanry in Doncaster,
(that) he established the agricultural meetings there, which have
continued ever since, and we used to have a ploughing match at
Thrybergh and friends from Nottinghamshire used to bring
turnips and mangles to show. My father liked to have good cart
horses, and was proud of his team of four chestnuts, entrusted to
the care of his two best ploughmen, of whom Matthew Speight
was chief.
He made a point of employing local tradesmen and only
procured tea and coffee from London. Except when we had
company, we had always the plainest dinners. My father being
very abstemious, plain roast or boiled meat or chicken, a glass of
home brewed small beer and two or three glasses of sherry were
all he allowed himself. He never allowed us champagne, except
on a birthday and New Year’s Day; he never drank it himself.
There was ale for those who liked it and sometimes claret for
friends. His breakfast consisted of the crust of a hot roll and a
little butter, a boiled egg and a cup of tea or coffee. I do not
think I ever saw bacon or hot meat of any kind on the table in
my day, but there were always hams, cold chicken or brawn on
the sideboard for those who liked it. His luncheon was a few
small sandwiches of cold beef, which I always cut, and a glass of
sherry in a little bottle, which he took in his carriage, for he went
out every morning to his farms at 10 or half-past 10, except on
Mondays, when he went to the Magistrates’ meeting and was
generally out all day.
My father usually gave away all the haunches of venison
and was very thoughtful of others, taking them himself to those
who were not well off, to save them giving half a sovereign to the
keeper, which he would expect. We only kept haunches for home
use at the time of the Quarter Sessions, when Magistrates and
1 Rotherham was the scene of Reform Bill riots in 1832, rioting by-
Irish railway navvies later in the ’thirties and of Chartist plotting in 1840.
James Allen of the Station Inn reported Sheffield Chartist conspirators to
Lord Howard of Effingham. Colonel Fullerton directed Lieutenant Shear-
down and the Hatfield troop to escort two prisoners to Ferrybridge.
(. Sheffield and Rotherham Independent, 18 Jan., 1840). I am indebted to
the Rotherham Librarian and to Mr. John Bebbington, City Librarian of
Sheffield, for these details.
2 Charles Wentworth Fitzwilliam, 3rd Earl Fitzwilliam (1786-1857),
5th Irish Earl; Whig M.P. Yorkshire, 1807-30 and for other seats; prominent
advocate of Free Trade, a very large landowner in Yorkshire and Ireland
and owner of large mineral and urban properties.
PORTRAIT OF A YORKSHIRE SQUIRE
225
barristers came to Thrybergh for two or three days. Mr. and
Mrs. Wrightson of Cusworth,1 Mr. and Lady Elizabeth Stanhope
and Mr. Hugh Stanhope2 almost always came at that time, and
it was a thousand pities (that) the deer were done away with, as
the sale of a few bucks at the time of the Doncaster races would
have paid the keepers’ wages.
My father was master of the Sandbeck Hounds, then a
subscription pack, between the time of John Lord Scarbro and
Richard Lord Scarbro, the one between them being lame did not
hunt but kept up the Rufford Hounds in Notts.;3 and my father
was most popular as M.F.H. Many a time I had to draw a little
map of some capital run; and he was always ready to indemnify
the farmers for the foxes’ depredations among their poultry. He
always patronised the cricket club at Doncaster and often drove
over a party of gentlemen to join it, — and also the Archery Clubs
at Doncaster and the Tickhill Castle Club, which met at different
gentlemen’s houses and at Roche Abbey; each party took a
hamper of provisions and wine and no meeting would have been
perfect without Mr. Fullerton.4
I may mention here that besides the Thrybergh estate, my
father had property in Kent, as well as in Warwickshire, but
these two latter properties were sold many years ago, I remember
well, to pay my eldest brother’s bills when he left Stretton and
Willisbourne.
My father died of gout, in my arms, a sudden spasm in
January, 1847; but he had been very poorly for three or four
weeks previously and my sister used to sit up every night till about
three or four in the morning, when he used to send her to bed and
say he would ring if he wanted anything. I had only arrived
from Berkshire three days before he died, not having been told
how ill he was; he would not let Otia (Horatia) tell me. Happily,
our newly built rooms at East Garston were not fit to inhabit, so
we wrote and asked if we might return to Thrybergh for two
1 William Battie Wrightson (1789-1879), of Cusworth Park and
Warmsworth Hall, near Doncaster and Hurworth Manor, Darlington; J.P.
and Deputy Lieutenant of the West Riding; Liberal M.P. for Hull, 183 0-32
and Northallerton, 1835-65; owner of over 6,000 acres in Yorkshire, North-
umberland and Durham. His papers are in Leeds City Library.
2 John Spencer Stanhope (1787-1873), of Horsforth Hall and Cannon
Hall, near Barnsley, married Lady Elizabeth Wilhelmina Coke, daughter
of the 1st Earl of Leicester; Deputy Lieutenant, J.P. and F.R.S.; owned
over 11,000 West Riding acres. His eldest son, Sir Walter, was Conservative
M.P. for the South West Riding in 1872-1880.
3 John, 7th Earl of Scarbrough (“Black Jack”), died after a hunting
accident near Doncaster in 1835 and was succeeded by his Whig son John,
the father of several illegitimate children to whom he bequeathed large
estates on his death in 1856, when his cousin Richard George succeeded as
9th Earl.
4 Tickhill Castle was the seat of Frederick Lumley-Savile, grandson of
the 4th Earl of Scarbrough and father of the 9th Earl, Richard (1813-
1884). Roche Abbey, a Cistercian ruin, is in the Earl’s grounds at Sandbeck
Park.
226 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
months, so I just got home to be with my dear father the last
three days of his life, tho’ I little thought his end was so near.
He had eaten his breakfast, which I took him as usual about
9 o’clock, and I had given him his books in bed, as he did not
then get up till about 12; and about 10 o’clock, old Daniel came
for me crying bitterly: poor old man, he was deeply attached to
my father and had lived with him 45 years. I sat on the floor
wrapping my father’s feet in my petticoats, as he had got up, but
the pain got worse and he tried to get into bed, but had to be
assisted and placed in my arms and died instantly.
Colonel John Fullerton died on 19 January, 1847, and his
estates at Thrybergh and Brinsworth passed to his eldest son,
John, the hero of the village cricket matches. Twenty years pre-
viously, he had married his cousin, Louisa, fourth daughter of
Sir Gray Skipwith, baronet, of Newbold Hall, Warwickshire, by
Harriet Townsend. John Fullerton died in 1871 and his wife in
1875, having had four sons and seven daughters. The estate fell
to the eldest son, Thomas Gray Fullerton, an old Etonian and
graduate of Christ Church with artistic tastes, who married
Euphemia Margaret, daughter of the Reverend Dr. Henry
Worsley, and died without issue in 1881 . His brother, the Reverend
Charles Garth Fullerton, succeeded. For twenty years the Rector
of Boothby Graffoe near Lincoln, he had married Catharine Lucy,
daughter of the Reverend Arthur Kenney-Herbert, Rector of
Bourton in Warwickshire, and had three sons and two daughters.
In 1890, he was succeeded by his eldest son, Colonel John Skip-
with Herbert Fullerton, a notable sportsman and the last of the
family to live at Thrybergh Park. Colonel Fullerton married the
daughter of Robert Couldwell Clarke of Noblethorpe Hall, near
Barnsley, thus uniting two landowning and mineral-owning
families. Other members of the family had distinguished careers
in the Royal Navy and in the Diplomatic Corps.
Thrybergh prospered in the nineteenth century from the
rich coal seams under the estate’s surfaces, but industry gradually
asserted its rough features over the landscape. New mines brought
new scars to the face of the countryside. And as the Yorkshire
scene changed, the social order altered with it. Along with many
other Yorkshire gentry, the Fullertons left their house; and
Thrybergh Park, the seat of the Norman Reresbies, the proud
Saviles and four generations of Fullertons, descended to the
status of a golf course.
227
DEFENCE MEASURES FOR THE WEST
RIDING 1586.
By Michael Chadwick.
In the course of research into the Bretton Hall archives in
co-operation with Mr. John Addy, a letter, dated 1586, was dis-
covered from the Earl of Huntingdon to the Justices of the
Peace for the West Riding which contained instructions as to the
measures to be taken to put the county into a state of defence in
the event of trouble with Spain. Mr. Addy suggested that I should
transcribe this and prepare it for publication.
Earlier in the year 1586, Anthony Babington, a friend and
admirer of Mary, Queen of Scots, had plotted to bring about the
murder of Elizabeth which was to be followed by a general rising
of the Roman Catholics in England and the release of Mary from
prison. Walsingham had intercepted the correspondence and
transcribed the letters, before forwarding them to their destina-
tion. On August 4th, 1586, the leading associate of Babington,
one John Ballard, was arrested and the whole plot collapsed,
leading to the arrest of Anthony Babington by the end of August.
The letter of instruction from the Earl of Huntingdon, President
of the Council of the North, is dated September 7th, 1586, so that
no time had been lost in taking such measures as were thought
necessary. The letter is transcribed in full and, viewed in the
light of the above, is almost self explanatory: —
Whereas there is a comission of lyvetenancie directed unto me
from Her Majesty, for these north partes, as is not unknowne to you by
reason of the late publicacion thereof here in this Cyttie. (York) And
that her Majesty consydering how necessarye it is to have certain
forces put in a redyness through the whole realm for the defence of her
highness person and estate in these troublesome dayes 1 hath signified
her pleasure unto me by letters from the Lordes of her Majesties
Privie counsell. That by virtue of the said Comission I should as sone
as convenientlie maybe cause the number of 6,000 footmen, received,
enrolled and put in readiness with their convenient furniture, viz.—
2,000 Callever, 2,000 pickmen with corselettes, 1,000 billmen with
clene revett or Jack; And as manye bowes with sheves of arrows and
such other furniture as hath bene in such service accustomed. These
therefore shalbe to require you and by vertue of the said Comission to
will and commande you and everye(one) of you, that with all care
and expedicion you provide to the performance of such directions and
instructions as you shall receyve now from me for the better affecting
and accomplishing of the service.
1 This is a reference to the plot and the danger that may come from
Spain.
228
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
It is not unknowne to you, that were of late with me, that of
these 6,000 footmen which are to be levyed within the whole countie,
2,400 were for this service, by common consente and agreements of the
Justices then with me, allotted and proportioned to the Westridinge
which is after the rate of 12/10 and 8; of which 2,400 it was thought
convenyente that those should be 400 callevers, 1200 pikemen, 400
billmen and 400 bowmen. First therefore you shall understand that
now at your meeting you are to divide the said 2,400 into the severall
wapentakes of that riding with as much discerninge and circumspection as
may be, which I doubt not, but you will easelye agree upon knowing your
ordynarie divisions heretofore upon the like service. Y ou shall also under-
stand if it is thought mete and so commanded by my said letter, (that)
if the said number is to be chosen out of persons dwelling and residing
in the Shire being of ability to furnish themselves or any other at the
charge of the county, and if the persons upon whome you shall impose
this charge may be men willing and redy to undergo and perform the
service you are to signify unto them it is intended not to send them
imployed in any furayne service but for the defence of themselves and
the country 1 if any attempt should happen to be made. And my
meaning is, now this harvest time not to have any musters mayd
(except some new commandment or new occasion do happen) but that
this service shalbe performed with as little trouble or grief to our
subjects as maybe.
I would require you after you have divided the said numbers of 2,400
into your severall wapentakes (aforesayd) you will draw yourselves to-
gether according to your severall divisions and have conference amongst
yourselves and sett down such as you shall think fitt to impose this
charge upon, which if you shall not be able to perform, if it is your
first meeting, then I will require you to agree amongst yourselves of a
date and place of meeting with your severall divisions and that with
as much speede as may be. And in case you shall think it convenient
for the better and more spedy accomplishment of this service to have
for your assistance and help of one or ii of any towne within your
devision, is to be by their meanes the better informed of the ability
and sufficiency of some such men as you do not well knowe, you may
dearect your preseptes to such persons as you shall thinke to use them
(and) it befalleth them to appeare before you at the Day and place
which you shall appoint for the purpose in your severall devisions. And
in case any within your devision shall refuse to performe the charge
which you shall think fytt to impose upon them for the furniture either
of caliver, picke, bill or bowe, I would require you to certifye unto me
the names of such persons so refusinge that further orders may be
taken with them accordinge to the qualitie of their contempts. And
when you have sett downe the names of the persons with their severall
weapons accordynge to the number allotted by you to the severall
wapentakes or divysions I would require you to make a Booke of their
names and of the weapons they shall be appoynted to serve 2 withall.
And so sende the same unto me under your hande as sone as it shalbe
donne which I require with all expedycion. And forthat I am in doubte
that some of the persons that you shall charge with this service will
be found unprovided and furnished of such armour and weapons as
shall be appoynted unto them, I would require you to understand
which of them are furnished and which are not and assyn the parte
unfurneshed a daye and that with as much speede as maybe, for to
provide armor and weapons unto him if he will make provision thereof
1 The foreign service at this time meant either assisting the Dutch
in their revolt against the Duke of Parma and the Spanish forces or in
keeping order in Ireland.
2 The book of names together with a list of each man’s weapons is
attached to the letter and is a copy of the return made to the Earl at York.
DEFENCE MEASURES FOR WEST RIDING
229
himselfe. Or if he had rather have it provided for him, so appoynt him
what sume of money he is to disburse and have in redenesse against
such tyme as the said armor and weapons shalbe provided for him,
which sum is to be putt downe according to the charge of weapons
that is appoynted; so I maye knowe what number is allredye within
your severall wapentakes, furnished or willbe furnished by the daye to
be appoynted and what number doe desyre to haveprovision of armor
and weapons made for them. Wherefore I desire to have a particular
certificate within your severall devysions that order may be taken for
the provision of the same accordingly.
I have also thought good to require you that, in the deviding of
this 2,400 footmen into the severall wapentakes of your ryddinge, you
doe not medle with the cittye and annestye of Yorke for my meaning
is that of the said number of 2,400 to dearecte a comission myself to
the saide cittye for the furnishing of 300 whereof Caliver 150/pickmen
90/ billmen 30/ and bowmen 30/ which I have thought convenient to
signifie unto you that you maye conveniently knowe what number you
are to devide into the rest of the Wapentake viz.: 2,100 whereof
Callivers 250/ Pickmen 1,100/ billmen 370 and bowmen 370/. You
shall further understand that her majesties pleasure is that there
should also be 600 horsemen putt in a redyness within this countye
whereof 400 to be made amongste the gentlemen and welthier farmers
and others of abylitye. My meaning is not that you shoulde doubte
the said horsemen at this instant. This onelye I doe nowe require of
you for this Service, that I may have a perfect certificate from you of
all the gentlemen resydinge within your severall divisions and also of
the welthye farmers and others of best abilitye that are not charged
with the service of footmen. 1
I am able to put you in remembrance and voyce earnestlye to
require you to take present order that, accordynge to the accustomed
manner, good and substanciall watches be kepett in the townes and
places of strange faces, to staye all suspected persons that would passe.
And so to certifie me what beacons there are within your severall
divisyons and in what state and repayre they be for service as occasyon
should require. 2
And for that manye lewdlye disposed are given to the spredyng of
false rumours and reports, and idle and vayne newes of matters either
abrodde or at home whereby many incideynes doe appear bothe to the
dishonour of the State and otherwise. I doe require you that in your
severall divysions you would forme due regard to such as at tymes of
faires and markets and other assemblies of people in Innes and Ale-
houses that shall give out any matters directlye or indirectlye that
may tend to ye despariggyng of the State or mispreding of any mis-
information in ye peoples mindes. And if you may procede more
spedily and with lest difficulty and disagreement for your division
amongst yourselves in the execution of such service as I have soe
appoynted and required you to performe. I do send you a note
published with my hand contayning all the wapentakes of your
rydding and the names of all such gentlemen as I would have me
serve there in such service as that which is now required of you. And
of youre gentlemen which are sett downe I do require and looke to
have the certificates of the severall wapentakes in which you are
placed by the said note and of such services as are to be downe therein
bothe for the levyinge of men and otherwise, wherein I have had as
great regard as I wolde for the plans. If your habitations should either
1 A list of all the gentlemen and wealthy farmers is included in the
record together with the number of horses each is required to furnish.
2 The beacons stations in Staincross wapentake were at High Hoyland
and Monk Bretton. From time to time the Justices in Quarter Session
levied a rate for their repair.
230
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
be within the wapentake or soe neare as conveniently might (be) to the
same whereunto you are by my note appointed, and in case there be
any error therein by mistaking of any of your habitations, you may
now reforme the same by agreement amongst your selves, but soe as I
may knowe to whom to write from tyme to tyme as accasion of service
may occure in these parts.
Thus requireing you as you are to do good service, if her majestie
provide, effectually and spedely in the performance of all such services
as you are by this my letters willed to do. I do committ you to god,
at York, the 7th of September 1586.
Subscribed thus your loving friend,
H. Huntingdon.
Post Script.
I have the greatest good to knowe that you are not in serving,
for the levying or furnishing of these men to have any Regard to the
subsidye books for I doubt nott but that many that are nott in the
subsidye books are off abylyty to bear part of this Service neither wold
I have you Charge any with a fente maner, that may be those of
abylyty to be charged with a horse.
Subscribed/H. Huntingdon.
The names of the men whom Henry Huntingdon nominated
as his assistants, in the various wapentakes, are attached to this
letter. The wapentake of Skyrack had for its leaders, Sir Thomas
Danby, Francis Palmes, Richard Gascoigne, James Rich and
William Vavasour. For Claro division the three men appointed
were Sir William Mallory, Sir Thomas Fairfax and Sir Richard
Malender. The two small wapentakes of Osgoldcross and Stain-
cross were to be supervised by Sir Cotton Gargrave, Thomas
Wentworth, Peter Stanley, George Woodruffe and Gervase
Neville. That of Barkeston Ash was to have Brian Stapleton,
George Saville and Peter Stanley to supervise the muster. The
Staincliffe and Ewcross divisions had Robert Tempest, Thomas
Talbot, John Lumb, Brian Plews and Lawrence Lister and finally
that of Agbrigg and Morley was to be supervised by Sir Cotton
Gargrave, Robert Bradford, John Kaye and Thomas Saville.
The survey of the parklands of the West Riding was under-
taken for the Council of the North by Lord Darcy and his report
reveals much that has now disappeared and also gives the uses to
which these parks were put, as breeding grounds for the small
horses or scantlings, used by the gentlemen and wealthy farmers.
Unfortunately this section of the manuscript has been very
badly damaged by water and mice so that very considerable gaps
occur in the text. That which is legible reads: —
Wakefield — new parke contening 4 myles in compas with
4 breeding mares of bignes
Calverley park containing in compass 2 myles but no mare.
Wakefield — old parke in compas 3 myles 3 breeding mares.
Sandal Magna the parke conteyns in compass a myle being her
majesties ....
Altofts parke contyns a myle and being her majesties and in the
tenure of one Bonney who haithe in the same one mare but ... of
the . . . appoynted by the statutes yet she haithe a horse.
Elland Parke being the inheritance of th’heires of Sir Henry
Saville Knyght deceased and in the tenure of Robert Saville of Elland
DEFENCE MEASURES FOR WEST RIDING
231
Hall conteyning in compass two myles or thereabouts but haithe in
the same neither horse nor mare according to the Statutes.
Bolling Park the inherytance of Robert Tempest esquire con-
teineth in compass one myle and a half or thereabouts and is in the
occupation of the said Mr. Tempest but haithe neither horse nor mare
in the same.
Denholme park the inherytance of Sir Robert Saville knyght and
in his own tenure and conteineth in compass seven myles or thereabouts
but haithe neither horse nor mare in the same.
Emley park being the inherytance of the heirs of Sir Henry Saville
knight deceased and in the tenure of George Saville esquire conteinynge
in compass five myles and haith in the same breeding mares 5 of the
scantlings allowed by the Statute.
Thornhill park being the inherytance of the heirs of Sir Henry
Saville knight deceased and in the tenure of the Earl of Shrewsburie
conteineth in compass one myle and haith a breeding mare in the same.
Tankersley park conteining by estimation in compasse three myles
and is now in the possession of the honourable George, Earl of Shrews-
burie and there is one sufficient horse and three mares of the height
and according to the Statute.
The muster was held on the 24th October, 1586 when all
the armour and men were reviewed in their various wapentakes.
It is hoped that in the near future a complete study and analysis
of the muster will be edited and published, together with a list of
all the gentlemen and ‘wealthy' farmers who were assessed for
horses.
232
THE PRE-CONQUEST CHURCHES OF YORK:
with an Appendix on Eighth- Century Northumbrian
Annals
By Kenneth Harrison.
In spite of a venerable history as the chief town of North-
umbria, York is poor in physical remains of the Anglo-Saxon
period. The crosses and sculptures listed by Mr. W. G. Colling-
wood [6, pp. 129-131] are late in date and few in number. Saxon
masonry can be discerned in four churches: St. Cuthbert (east
wall), St. Mary Castlegate (dedication stone), St. Mary Bishophill
Senior (lower courses at the south-west corner)1 and Junior
(tower). With these relics, which will be surveyed in due course
by the Royal Commission on Historical Monuments, we shall not
now be concerned; none of them, except the tower of Bishophill
Junior, can be called impressive by architectural standards.
By contrast, the documentary sources are rich in statements
of fact, and in allusions of a useful or a nebulous kind. It is the
purpose of this article to collect together, and discuss, everything
that has been recorded about the Saxon buildings of York.
City Churches
Domesday Book lists eight churches: All Saints (Pavement),
St. Crux, St. Mary (Castlegate), St. Cuthbert, St. Andrew, St.
Martin (Coney Street), Holy Trinity (Micklegate), and one other
whose dedication is not specified (perhaps Bishophill Junior).
Also, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D) records that in 1055 Earl
Siward died at York and was buried in the mynster at Galmanho
which he himself had built and consecrated in the name of God
and St. Olaf [11, p. 132]. The name Galmanho represents land in
the neighbourhood of Bootham [33, p. 288], so this building will
have stood on, or close to, the site of the present St. Olave’s. We
can thus point to nine churches which were going concerns at the
time of the Conquest. If Bishophill Senior is added, on the
strength of its masonry, the total becomes ten; and, since Domes-
day Book tends to mention buildings in an incidental way, there
may have been others;2 the city of Norwich appears to have
contained fifteen churches in Edward the Confessor’s time [9,
p. 139], yet it was a smaller place than York [36, p. 76; 40, p. 129].
1 The unusual character of this work seems to have been first noticed
by Dr. Eric Gee.
2 For instance, the Conqueror had granted the churches of St. Saviour
and St. Michael Spurriergate to St. Mary's Abbey before 1087 [14, pp. 64-5];
perhaps they were pre-Conquest foundations.
PRE-CONQUEST CHURCHES OF YORK
233
Before discussing the history of York Minster, and that of
another church, four doubtful cases must be considered:
(a) In a poem written by Alcuin, about 780-782 [39, p. 80],
there is mention of a dedication to St. Mary [27, p. 397, v. 1605].
From the context it is not possible to decide whether this was a
church in its own right, or a chapel that formed part of a larger
building.
(b) In the year 800 Alcuin wrote to his friend and pupil
Calvinus, who was an inmate of the cella Sancti Stephani [12,
No. 209, p. 347]. The whereabouts of this small religious house
are not known; but from the fact, which emerges casually in the
letter, that Calvinus was one of the clergy who shared in the
election of an archbishop, St. Stephen’s will have had a very
close connexion with the Minster, and may have been situated in
York itself.1
(c) Folcard says, in his life of St. John of Beverley (who
became bishop in 705) that the saint was wont to meditate in a
church of St. Michael not far from where he lived [27, p. 257];
but little weight can be attached to the word of a monk of Thorney
writing circa 1070, particularly because there may be confusion
with a chapel of St. Michael, near Hexham, which appears earlier
in the story [27, p. 246]. 2
(d) A book seen by Leland, and now lost, recorded that in
King Athelstan’s time the canons of Beverley founded two chapels
in York, in honour of St. Mary and St. Thomas the Apostle [13,
vol. 2, p. 129].
The Cathedral of St. Peter
In dealing with the documentary evidence for the Minster
it will be suitable to adopt the form of annals, in order to under-
line the continuous history of a building that stood for four and
a half centuries — during which time the life within its walls was
seldom interrupted.
627 The circumstances that led to King Edwin’s baptism,
by Bishop Paulinus, in a temporary church of wood, need
not be related here. Soon afterwards the king began to
build a cathedral of stone, dedicated to St. Peter, in which
two of his children were subsequently buried [26, p. 114].
632 In this year Edwin was killed at Hatfield Chase, and
his head was brought to York and buried in the Minster in
porticu Sanctae Papae Gregorii [26, p. 125]. The word
porticus here means not a porch but a chapel opening off the
body of the church; such chapels were often used as burying-
1 Dedications to St. Stephen were uncommon in England at this
time; the list compiled by Dr. Levison does not contain a single example
[22, p. 259].
2 Although Bede says that the saint was buried in the chapel of St.
Peter in his monastery [26, p. 292], Folcard changes the dedication to
St. John [27, p. 260].
234 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
places [4, p. 28]. From the first, then, there is evidence of
the Minster being a royal mausoleum; and the burials of
kings and bishops can be traced at intervals until 1069.
When King Oswald had reduced Northumbria to
order he finished building the cathedral begun by Edwin.
Paulinus had meanwhile removed to Kent, but ‘he left in
his church at York James the Deacon, truly a holy man
and fully versed in the liturgy, who, continuing in the
church a long while after, rescued much prey from the Devil
by teaching and baptizing’ [26, p. 126].1 It is not easy to
reconcile this statement with the next sentence, which
informs us that James lived for the most part, maxime
solebat habitare, in a village near Catterick — unless he
retired thither when Ceadda (St. Chad) became bishop of
York in 664. Perhaps James had left the Minster still earlier.
The Synod of Whitby reveals Colman, bishop of Lindisfarne
from 661 to 663, as an uncompromising adherent of Celtic
custom, and, since the church at York was then adminis-
tered by him, a disciple of Paulinus might feel happier in
another sphere.
669 In this year Wilfrid I (St. Wilfrid) succeeded as bishop
of York, and found the Minster in a state of disrepair.
Eddius Stephanus, his biographer, relates what had to be
done: lead put on the roof (doubtless in place of thatch),
glass into the windows, whitewash on the walls [27, p. 23].
Before convicting James the Deacon and the Celtic bishops
of actual neglect, we must remember that Eddius never
played down the deeds of his hero; and Wilfrid, with great
wealth at command, had no taste for the apostolic simplicity
of an Aidan or a Chad.
678 In this year King TElfwine, brother of King Ecgfrith,
fell at the battle of the Trent [26, p. 249] and his body was
sent to York, in Eboracum delatum est [27, pp. 35-36],
presumably for burial in the Minster.
685 In this year St. Cuthbert was consecrated at York to
the see of Lindisfarne, in the presence of King Ecgfrith
[26, p. 273]. According to the Historia de Sancto Cuthberto
(for which see p. 241), to mark this occasion the King
granted him ‘all the land that lies from the wall of St.
Peter’s church to the great west gate, and from the wall of
St. Peter’s church to the city wall towards the south’ [1,
p. 199]. Although the Historia may be wrong in connecting
this grant with the consecration of St. Cuthbert,2 it is an
authority of pre-Conquest age, and indeed the only one to
1 James was present at the Synod of Whitby, as one of the Romanist
party [26, p. 183]. Since he had not reached the age of priesthood (30)
by 632, he will have been about 60 at the date of the Synod (663).
2 Contemporary accounts of St. Cuthbert’s life make no reference to
any gift of land in York by Ecgfrith [5].
PRE-CONQUEST CHURCHES OF YORK
235
provide direct evidence for the site of the Saxon cathedral —
a topic to which we shall return.
718- According to Alcuin, Bishop Wilfrid II beautified the
732 Minster during his tenure of the see [27, p. 385, vv. 1221-
1225].
741 In this year a monasterium in Eboraca civitate was
burnt. The information derives from Simeon of Durham
[2, p. 38; 42, p. 240], who in compiling his Historia Regum
had access to a set of Northumbrian Annals written very
early in the ninth century.1 Presumably St. Peter’s is
meant, for we have no notice of another monastery or
church at York before 740; and a fire that could force its
way into these laconic annals will not have been an ordinary
affair. Probably the clergy houses were damaged, as well
as the Minster. But altogether too much has been made
of this episode [18]; the church was repaired and soon
appears in the records again.
766- In the former year Archbishop Ecgberht died, in the
768 latter his brother Eadberht, who had resigned the crown of
Northumbria in 758 and taken orders [2, pp. 41, 43, 44;
42, pp. 241-243]. Very surprisingly the A version of the
Anglo-Saxon chronicle, compiled in the south, contains a
touch of local colour from the north; sub anno 738, noticing
the accession of King Eadberht, it states that both brothers
were buried at York on anum portice, in the same chapel
[38, p. 78] .2 The Old English word portice is obviously
derived from porticus;3 and although we lack contemporary
evidence to afford proof, it is likely that other notables —
Bishop Bosa, for example, who died in 705 — had also come
to rest in the Minster.4
767- During the episcopate of Archbishop TEthelberht
778 (Albert) three separate and distinct enterprises have been
recorded by Alcuin in his poem De Pontificibus Ebor:
Carmen, to which reference has been made above (p. 233):
(a) The Archbishop made large gifts towards the
adornment of the Minster, among them an altar dedicated
to St. Paul. We are not told explicitly whether these gifts
were made before TEthelberht came to the see — and during
the time that he was Master of the School under Ecgberht —
or whether they were made afterwards; the latter is more
probable; in any case, the verses are eloquent of the
1 See also the Appendix to this article, p. 244.
2 This remark must have been in the archetype of A, whence it was
transmitted to all extant versions.
3 And had a long currency, for it turns up in the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle (D, E) sub anno 1072 [38, pp. 346-347].
4 A very late source [28, p. 236] affirms that Bosa was buried at
York, but the writer, if not relying on tradition, may only be making a guess.
236 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
splendour of Edwin’s church in Alcuin’s time [27, pp. 356,
393, vv. 219-223, 1489-1505].
(b) TEthelberht was a collector of books, on such a
scale as to constitute him the virtual founder of the York
library [27, p. 395, vv. 1532-1534]; and no doubt manu-
scripts were diligently copied under his direction. His
activities would seem to have extended over a long period.
In 747 St. Boniface was able to thank Archbishop Ecgberht
for a present of books [42, p. 757], and his successor in the
see of Mainz enquired for the works of Bede some twenty
years afterwards [42, p. 768]. A little later, in 773, Liudger
the Frisian returned home from York habens secum copiam
librorum [25, p. 408; 42, p. 725]. The vicissitudes of the
Library will be discussed below (pp. 237-8).
(c) During TEthelberht’s episcopate a new church was
built in York, dedicated to the Holy Wisdom. Remarks
on this church are deferred for the time being (pp. 241-3).
777 According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D, E) in this
year another TEthelberht was consecrated to the see of
Whithorn at York [42, p. 165].1
791 In this year the sons of King SElfwold were decoyed
from sanctuary in the principal church, de ecclesia principali,
and afterwards murdered [2, p. 53; 42, p. 246]. The rights
of sanctuary at a later date, in Edward the Confessor’s
time, were limited to the Minster and its precincts [21,
p. 192], and appear to have been less extensive than those
enjoyed by some other churches in the north [32].
793 After a period of absence abroad, Alcuin returned to
England for a while, and in this year he spent the season
of Lent at York. Writing a few months later to King
TEthelred of Northumbria he describes a vision that came
to him in the church of St. Peter — a vision seeming to
portend the Viking raid on Lindisfarne which took place on
8 June [12, No. 16, p. 43; 42, p. 775],
796 In this year King Eardwulf received the crown of
Northumbria in the church of St. Peter, at the altar of St.
Paul given by Archbishop TEthelberht;2 soon afterwards
Archbishop Eanbald I died and was buried in St. Peter’s [2,
1 Simeon of Durham’s version of the Northumbrian Annals does not
mention York as the place of consecration; but there are other evidences
that the ‘northern recension’ of the Chronicle was based on a set of Annals
in the main identical with those used by Simeon, yet differing in a few parti-
culars. This problem is discussed in the Appendix (pp. 244 and f.). Ten years
earlier, in 767, Simeon records that Aluberht was consecrated as bishop of
the Old Saxons [2, p. 43; 42, p. 243]; the place of consecration is not given,
but the Vita S. Liudgevi seems definitely to imply York [25, p. 407; 40,
p. 180; 42, p. 725]. These ceremonies lend no support to the view that the
Minister had been destroyed in the fire of 741.
2 The Historia Regum continues ‘where that people (the Northum-
brians) first obtained the grace of baptism’, in reference to Edwin’s church.
PRE-CONQUEST CHURCHES OF YORK
237
pp. 57-58; 42, pp. 248-249]. Meanwhile Alcuin, back in
France, was asking Charles the Great for help in getting
books from the York library for the Abbey of Tours [12,
No. 121, p. 177; 42, p. 786].
799 In this year Osbald, formerly king of Northumbria,
was buried ‘in the church of the city of York’ [2, p. 62;
42, p. 250], by which phrase the Minster is to be understood.
801 In this year Alcuin wrote to Archbishop Eanbald II
and with the letter sent ‘a hundred pounds of tin for
necessary works, and four screens of lattice. It seems only
right that your belfrey, domuncula cloccarum , should be
roofed with tin, for its own beauty and the reputation of
the place’ [12, No. 226, p. 370]. Although the interpretation
of this passage is somewhat doubtful, it could mean that a
new structure for housing the bells had recently been put
up, and that Alcuin had taken upon himself to provide a
permanent covering and screens to keep out birds. If so,
with the aid of a few reasonable assumptions1 it can be
calculated that this weight of tin would cover approxi-
mately 17 sq. ft. — hence the belfrey will have been very
small, in the nature of a cote rather than a tower, with
which the diminutive form domuncula is well in accord.
Sir Alfred Clapham has observed that bell towers were not
a feature of ecclesiastical architecture until the second half
of the ninth century, even in Italy [4, pp. 117-118].
852 During the earlier part of this century we have very
little information about York, beyond the succession of
archbishops. But a letter written in 852 by Lupus, Abbot
of Ferrieres, in the hope of borrowing books, is proof that
the Library was still intact and known to scholars abroad
[42, p. 808].
866 In this year the abominable army of the Danes,
Danorum nefandus exercitus , captured York on 1 November
[7, p. 298; 42, p. 256]. In March of the following year they
were attacked by Osbert and TElle of Northumbria; the
Danes killed both kings, and went on to ravage the country
as far as the Tyne. During this period of civil commotion
the library collected by iBthelberht and Alcuin must
surely have been dispersed or destroyed. It is advisable to
think in terms of dispersal as well as of outright destruction,
because a document of circa 880 shows that sometimes the
1 The Old English pound was probably of 5760 grains, as against
7000 grains for the pound avoirdupois (information from Mr. Philip Grierson);
the specific gravity of tin is 7.3; and the thickness of metal, for roofing
purposes, is one eighth of an inch (information from Mr. W. J. Green,
Clerk of Works to the Minster). For the use of tin as a covering see also
Codex Carolinus, No. 78 (ed. W. Gundlach). Mr. Grierson doubts whether
writers of this period are always clear about the distinction between lead
and tin.
238
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
heathen men were shrewd enough to preserve sacred books
and sell them back to the Christians [42, p. 497]. And a
few pieces in the York library may have escaped: an
inventory of about 1530, printed in Dugdale [13, vol. 6,
p. 1205], mentions two texts of the Gospels Sancti Wilfridis
belonging to the Dean and Chapter. The attribution to
St. Wilfrid himself need not be taken seriously, because
any ancient and beautiful manuscript might attract the
name of a prominent figure;1 still, these texts, with their
ivory covers, may have come down from a very remote
period.
The troubles of the Minster did not end with the
establishment of Danish rule; during the year 872-873
Archbishop Wulfhere was forced to take refuge in Mercia
[7, pp. 323, 325; 42, p. 256], and in 919 the Norseman
Ragnald ‘took York by storm’ [2, p. 93; 42, p. 252]. All
in all, it is in the highest degree improbable that any large
collection of books could have been kept together through-
out such stirring events.2 From this time forward the York
library ceased to be an influence on European civilization;
and not a single book then belonging to it can be identified
today.
895 In this year King Guthfrith, a Danish convert to
Christianity, was buried at York in basilica summa [31,
p. 482; 35, p. 259]. The phrase comes from TEthelweard’s
Latin rendering of a lost, but very early, version of the
Anglo-Saxon chronicle, and reads like a translation of
heafodmynster . Evidently St. Peter’s was still being used
as a royal burying-place.3
900- During this period the Archbishops of York issued the
925 coins known as St. Peter’s Pence [10] ; an archiepiscopal
right of minting can be traced as far back as the beginnings
of a Northumbrian coinage.
934 In this year King Athelstan granted land to basilica
Sancti Petri principis Apostolorum at York [14, p. 1]. The
1 For instance, the so-called Gospels of St. Chad, now at Lichfield,
were almost certainly written after his death [24, p. 43] ; also, ‘the medieval
monks of Canterbury were very ready to claim that books in their possession
had been brought over by St. Augustine, and they were usually wrong’
[40, p. 242]. The Maeseyck Gospels have been tentatively ascribed to
the York school of Wilfrid’s time [15, p. 122], but on no secure grounds;
Ripon was the chief and lasting centre of his influence.
2 Compare the judgement of Dom David Knowles [20, p. 523]: ‘only
Glastonbury and the two monasteries of Canterbury succeeded in preserving
a great part of their libraries for future ages.’ Two books — the Liber Vitae
and Gospels — were assuredly saved by the Lindisfarne community; yet,
even if a few others that were still at Durham in the Middle Ages had
accompanied the coffin of St. Cuthbert on its wanderings, the judgement
still stands.
3 The Chronicle text used by AEthelweard may not have continued
beyond 892; if indeed it broke off there, he was drawing upon another source.
PRE-CONQUEST CHURCHES OF YORK
239
text of this charter has come under suspicion, but a recent
appraisal shews that it is most likely genuine [42, p. 505].
946 Under this year Roger of Wendover records that King
Eadred gave two large bells, duo signa non modica, to the
metropolitan church of York [7, p. 399; 42, p. 257]. Earlier
bell-metal will have gone for Danish loot.1
972- To this period belongs a statement of Archbishop
992 Oswald, complaining that lands had been taken from St.
Peter [30, p. 112; 42, p. 521].
1014 In this year King Sweyn died at Gainsborough and
was buried in York Minster, his bones being afterwards
removed2 [16, p. 176, vv. 4161-4168; 2, p. 146]. Although
the sources for this statement are both late, they seem to
be independent; and in the absence of any motive for
inventing such a tale it can be taken as reliable tradition.3
1061- During the reign of Edward the Confessor writs were
1066 issued granting land to Peter es mynster on Euerwic, and
certain judicial and financial rights to Archbishop Ealdred
[17, Nos. 118, 120, pp. 418-419].4
1069 In this year, according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
(D), on 11 September Archbishop Ealdred died and was
buried in the cathedral city [11, p. 150]. This may have
been the last burial of a notable person in the Saxon church,
for very soon afterwards the Normans Thoroughly ravaged
and burnt the holy minster of St. Peter'. We have further
comment from the pen of Hugh the Chanter, who died
circa 1140: incensa quoque et Beati Petri metropolis ecclesia
et ornamenta illius, cartae et privilegia combusta vel perdita
fuerunt [28, p. 98]. On the strength of this witness it has
often been supposed that the Library was totally destroyed.
Some damage must indeed have occurred; but a number of
books and charters were rescued from the flames:
(a) A text of the Gospels, still in the Library, bears
every evidence of having been at York since the early part
of the eleventh century [19, No. 402, p. 468].
(b) Two other books — B.M. Cotton Nero A. i (ff. 70-
177) and Harley 208 — have claims to be regarded as
members of the pre-Conquest collection [19, Nos. 164, 229,
pp. 211, 304].
1 In 968 TElfsige was consecrated at York to the see of Chester-le-Street
[bp. 78].
2 To Roskilde in Denmark ( Encomium Emmae Reginae, ed. A. Camp-
bell, Camden Society, London 1949, Vol. 72, p. lvii).
3 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D) records consecrations of bishops at
York in 1014 and 1041 [42, pp. 224, 235].
4 In 1062 Wulfstan was consecrated to the see of Worcester at York
(Anglia Sacra, ed. H. Wharton, Vol. 2, p. 251). The information seems to
derive from an Old English life of the saint which has been lost.
240 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
(c) The Registrum Magnum Album, a manuscript of
the fourteenth century now belonging to the Dean and
Chapter, contains the texts of: King Athelstan’s charter
of 934, already noticed; a charter of King Eadwig, 956,
conveying large estates at Southwell [14, p. 5]; a grant of
King Edgar, 958, and two further grants by the same, 963
[14, pp. 10, 15, 18]; a grant of King Canute, 1033 [14, p.
23]; two writs of Edward the Confessor, already noticed;
a grant by the same King to Archbishop Ealdred [29, p. 7] j1
a writ of the same, circa 1065, also to Ealdred [14, p. 29];
and a writ of William the Conqueror, before 1069, con-
firming the previous writ [14, p. 30]. The originals of
these texts, or a transcript thereof, cannot have been
destroyed.
( d ) There is a growing body of evidence that the so-
called 'northern recension’ of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
(the archetype of the D and E versions) was perhaps being
put together during the primacy of Archbishop Wulfstan,
1002 — 1023, and there are internal signs that the arche-
type of D was still at York in 1052 and 1060 [41, pp. 28-30];
moreover, this version betrays much interest in the career
of Ealdred, archbishop from 1061 to 1069 [35, p. 681]. 2
By direct or indirect means, then, we learn that a
good deal of manuscript material survived the Norman
attack, and it is fair to suspect Hugh the Chanter of
exaggeration — a not uncommon failing in medieval chronic-
lers.3 These manuscripts were also at risk a little
later.
1075 In this year the Anglo-Saxon chronicle (D) records
that two hundred ships arrived from Denmark, and the
Danes 'went to York and destroyed St. Peter’s Minster,
and captured much booty there, and so departed’
[11, p. 157]. The Minster here referred to might be
either the Saxon church repaired and refurbished, or
the new Norman church that Archbishop Thomas of
Bayeux is known to have put up. Although arguments
from silence are dangerous, the failure of the Chronicle
to mention any new construction might suggest that
Thomas’s work had not proceeded very far, if at all,
by the year 1079, when the D version ends. It is
not unreasonable to conclude that the useful life of Edwin’s
1 A dispensation of Pope Nicholas II, 1061, also printed by Chan-
cellor Raine [29, p. 5], may not be genuine.
2 A concern for York affairs does not necessarily indicate that the
Chronicle was being written in York itself; but for further evidence see the
Appendix.
3 We can perhaps fault him on the ornamenta as well, for the Horn of
Ulphus could easily have belonged to the Minster in Saxon times.
PRE-CONQUEST CHURCHES OF YORK
241
cathedral of St. Peter lasted from 627 until circa 1080.1
Having reviewed the history of this church we will next
consider its whereabouts. The antiquaries of past generations
thought that a certain amount of Saxon masonry was to be found
in, or under, the crypt of the present cathedral, and were ready
to suppose that Edwin’s church must have stood on that site.
But a recent analysis of the evidence lends no support to their
opinion; we cannot point to any walls, foundations or floor of
undoubtedly Saxon origin within the area occupied by the Minster
[23]. However, a piece of documentary evidence throws light on
what would otherwise be a tiresome problem.
Somewhere about the year 945 a cleric of Chester-le-Street
composed a narrative of the gifts — a kind of chartulary — made
at various times to the Congregation of St. Cuthbert. This Historia
de Sancto Cuthberto received additions and interpolations about a
hundred years later, at Durham; yet, although the surviving
manuscripts are of post-Conquest date, there is no trace of Norman
influence in the work, which was used by Simeon in composing
his history of the church of Durham, circa 1105 [1]. In a recent
study of the Historia de Sancto Cuthberto, Sir Edmund Craster has
concluded that its earliest material was not derived from manu-
script sources, but must represent late oral tradition; and as
regards the times and circumstances of grants this opinion can
hardly be disputed [8]. Nevertheless, in matters of topography
the Historia seems to be reliable. If the boundaries of a grant of
land mentioned previously, sub anno 685 (p. 234), have been
correctly transmitted, they can be taken to mean that Edwin’s
church stood at the West end of the present cathedral [18].
Whether or not this interpretation is right, the boundaries were
intended to convey clear directions to people familiar with the
plan of Saxon York; bishops of the Lindisfarne succession some-
times came to the city for consecration, and they would not
travel alone.
The Church of the Holy Wisdom
The last building to be considered is the most puzzling of
all. Its dedication alone is curious, and unique in Saxon England.2
What we hear of it is contained in a single reference. During his
tenure of the See from 767 to 778, Archbishop SEthelberht caused
a church to be built, with thirty altars, which a few days before
his death in 780 was dedicated by him to Alma Sophia, the Holy
1 In consequence of William the Conqueror’s devastation, very little
building of large churches took place in the northern Province until well
after the Conquest. The first stones were laid at St. Mary’s Abbey, York,
in 1089, at Durham in 1093, and at Chester Abbey about the same time;
there were no stone buildings at Selby before 1097.
2 A tablet found in the tomb of Acca, bishop of Hexham, who died
in 740, bore the inscription Almae Trinitati, Agiae Sophiae, Sanctae Mariae
[2, p. 33]. On the continent, Dr. Nikolaus Pevsner has noticed that the
monastery at Eschau, founded in 778, was dedicated to SS. Mary, Sophia
and Trophime (from MGH, Script. Tom. xv, ii, p. 995).
242 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Wisdom. TEthelberht’s successor, Eanbald I, and his pupil
Alcuin had helped direct the construction; to the latter we owe
our knowledge of its existence [27, p. 394, vv. 1506-1519].
It is rather surprising that a church so splendid should have
vanished without material or documentary trace. Alcuin’s state-
ment that it contained thirty altars, triginta aras, must mean 'up-
wards of twenty’, because viginta would have suited the scansion
equally well; and how to accommodate so many altars on the
ground plan of the very biggest of Saxon churches — Hexham, for
example, or Brixworth1 — is at first sight something of a problem.
But the position has been made easier by the recent studies of
Dr. H. M. Taylor [37], who shows that wooden galleries in pre-
Conquest times were by no means rare; and indeed the word
solaria in Alcuin’s poem is taken to mean 'galleries’ by Professor
Baldwin Brown [3, p. 147] and by Sir Alfred Clapham [4, p. 47].
Thus the ground area occupied by the Alma Sophia need not have
been considerable.
Alcuin gives no clue to the whereabouts of the Alma Sophia.
Two possibilities are worth considering:
(a) A religious community in Anglo-Saxon times often had
several churches or chapels within its precinct, strung out in line
like processionary caterpillars; the arrangements at Canterbury
and Glastonbury have been recovered by excavation [4, pp. 18-19,
51-52]. If Edwin’s church stood at the west end of the present
Minster, TEthelberht’s may have been built immediately to the
east, between the West Front and Central Tower.
(b) The Danish conquest of Yorkshire in 866 was followed
by extensive settlement; and immigration from various parts of
Scandinavia was still in progress two hundred years later [34].
‘The name of York itself and the names of its streets betoken the
thoroughness of the Scandinavian occupation and, as in the
North and East Ridings, Scandinavian names must largely have
replaced the earlier British and Anglian nomenclature’ [33, p.
277]. Within the compass of the Roman city only four or five
street-names of Old English origin have survived, or, setting aside
lanes and alleys, only two. The first of them, Aldwark ( eald
geweorc— old work) describes the adjacent Roman wall. The
second is Bedern [gebed aern = prayer house); and such a name
would perhaps not have been retained in a largely Scandinavian
society unless it referred, like Aldwark, to a prominent object.
If the Alma Sophia escaped destruction by the Danes in 866, the
street-name may be a clue to its position; and excavations in the
floor of the Bedern Chapel, now dilapidated, might yield material
of interest. On the other hand, Bedern may have been the site
of a religious house such as the cella Sancti Stephani (above, p.
233), and the lack of documentary evidence about the Alma
1 Or the contemporary church of St. Riquier in Picardy [4, p. 79].
PRE-CONQUEST CHURCHES OF YORK
243
Sophia is most readily explained by supposing it to have been a
victim of Danish attack.
* * * * *
Nearly all the literary sources for pre-Conquest churches in
York have been in print for fifty years or more, and the work of
Anglo-Saxon scholars during the intervening time has enabled
this material to be seen in a much clearer light. Yet architectural
research has come almost to a full stop. New manuscript sources
cannot be hoped for; and although new interpretations of docu-
ments will continue to be made, and disputed, in the last resort
our knowledge of Anglo-Saxon architecture in York can only be
increased to a material extent by digging. Even the sites of two
considerable churches can only be guessed at; and built as these
churches were, each at a critical time — one of them the first in
all Northumbria, the other while a current of intellectual renaiss-
ance was moving from York to the Continent — the details of
their planning would be of considerable interest. It must be
borne in mind that, outside Kent, hardly anything is known of
pre-Conquest building during the first half of the seventh century,
and that ‘the eighth century and the first half of the ninth is the
most obscure and difficult period in the history of English archi-
tecture’ (4, p. 46). To excavations in York, rather than in any
other place, we can most profitably turn for enlightenment.
References
[1] Arnold, T. Symeonis Monachi Opera, Rolls Series, London 1885,
Vol. 1, Historia Dunelmensis Ecclesiae and Historia de Sancto
Cuthberto.
[2] — Ibid., Vol. 2, Historia Regum.
[3] Baldwin Brown, G. The Arts in Early England, 2nd ed., London
1925, Vol. 2.
[4] Clapham, Sir A. W. English Romanesque Architecture before the
Conquest, Oxford, 1930.
[5] Colgrave, B. Two Lives of St. Cuthbert, Cambridge 1940.
[6] Collingwood, W. G. Northumbrian Crosses of the Pre-Norman Age,
London 1927.
[7] Coxe, H. O. Rogeri de Wendover Chronica sive Flores Historiarum,
London 1841, Vol. 1.
[8] Craster, Sir E. English Historical Review, 1954, Vol. 69, p. 177.
[9] Darby, H. C. The Domesday Geography of Eastern England, Cambridge
1952.
[10] Dolley, R. H. M. British Numismatic Journal, 1955, Vol. 28, p. 11.
[11] Douglas, D. C. and Greenaway, G. W. English Historical Documents,
London 1953, Vol. 2 (1042-1189).
[12] Duemmler, E. Alcuini Epistolae in Monumenta Germaniae Historica,
Epistolarum Tomus IV, Berlin 1895.
[13] Dugdale, Sir W. Monasticon Anglicanum, ed. J. Caley et al., London
1817-1830.
[14] Farrer, W. Early Yorkshire Charters, Edinburgh 1914, Vol. 1.
[15] Grabar, A. and Nordenfalk, C. Early Medieval Painting, Lausanne
1957.
[16] Hardy, Sir T. D. and Martin, C. T. Lestorie des Engles solum G.
Gaimar, Rolls Series, London 1888, Vol. 1.
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
244
[17] Harmer, F. E. Anglo Saxon Writs, Manchester 1952.
[18] Harrison, K. Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, 1958, Vol. 39, p. 436.
[19] Ker, N. R. Catalogue of Manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon, Oxford
1957.
[20] Knowles, D. The Monastic Order in England, Cambridge 1941.
[21] Leach, A. F. Visitations and Memorials of Southwell Minster, Camden
Society, London 1891.
[22] Levison, W. England and the Continent in the Eighth Century, Oxford
1946.
[23] Melmore, S. Notes on the Early Architectural History of York Minster,
London and York 1954.
[24] Oakeshott, W. The Sequence of English Medieval Art, London 1950.
[25] Pertz, G. Altfridi Vita Sancti Liudgeri, in Monumenta Germaniae
Historica, Scriptorum Tomus II, Hanover 1829.
[26] Plummer, C. V enerabilis Baedae Opera Historica, Oxford 1896, Vol. 1.
[27] Raine, J. The Historians of the Church of York, Rolls Series, London
1879, Vol. 1, Vita Wilfridi auctore Eddio Stephano, Vita Sancti
Johannis auctore Folcardo, De Pontifcibus Ebor: Carmen auctore
Alcuino.
[28] — Ibid., Vol. 2, Hugh the Chanter, etc.
[29] — Ibid., Vol. 3, Illustrative Documents.
[30] Robertson, A. J. Anglo-Saxon Charters, 2nd ed., Cambridge 1956.
[31] Savile, Sir H. Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores post Baedam, London 1596.
[32] Simpson, J. Saga-Book of the Viking Society, 1955, Vol. 14, p. 200.
[33] Smith, A. H. The Place-N ames of the East Riding of Yorkshire and
York, English Place-Name Society, Vol. 14, Cambridge 1937.
[34] Stenton, Sir F. M. York in the Eleventh Century, in York Minster
Historical Tracts, ed. A. H. Thompson, London 1927.
[35] — Anglo-Saxon England, 2nd ed., Oxford 1947.
[36] Tait, J. The Medieval English Borough, Manchester 1936.
[37] Taylor, H. M. In The Anglo-Saxons, ed. P. Clemoes, Cambridge 1959.
F38] Thorpe, B. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Rolls Series, London 1861,
Vol. 1.
[39] Wattenbach, W. Monumenta Alcuiniana, Berlin 1873.
[40] Whitelock, D. The Beginnings of English Society, London 1952.
[41] — Early English Manuscripts in Facsimile, Copenhagen 1954,
Vol. 4.
[42] — English Historical Documents, London 1955, Vol. 1 ( circa
500-1042).
Appendix: Eighth-Century Northumbrian Annals
Apart from the writings of Alenin, most of our information about
York in the eighth century derives from the Northumbrian Annals in-
corporated by Simeon of Durham into his Historia Regum (above, p. 235). 1
These Annals have a wider interest, because material from them found its
way into that ‘northern recension’ of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle which
gave rise to the existing D and E versions; we have seen (above, p. 236)
that this recension was quite possibly compiled at York in Archbishop
Wulfstan’s time. 2 And the question arises— What is the genesis of the
material incorporated into the Chronicle?
In considering the archetype of the D and E versions, the Rev. C.
Plummer concluded that the northern entries are 'clearly based on the
Latin Northumbrian Annals embodied in Simeon of Durham and Roger of
Hoveden. The copy used by them extended only to 802; that used by the
1 The relationship between the manuscripts now extant, and their
significance as historical documents, is discussed by Mr. P. Hunter Blair
in Archaeologia Aeliana, 1939, 4th series, Vol. 16, p. 87.
2 Or perhaps a little earlier — there can be no certainty.
PRE-CONQUEST CHURCHES OF YORK
245
compiler of the original of the D, E type of Chronicle extended somewhat
further, for the northern element is clearly traceable up to 806 inclusive.’ 1
We can provisionally distinguish, then, between the ‘802 version’ embedded
in Simeon’s Historia Regum and the ‘806 version’ available to the archetype
of D and E. And the enquiry can be pursued a little further. In what
follows, the years in the margin (apart from the four last) are those of the
Historia Regum, whose chronology is as a rule more exact; and information
given by the Chronicle (D, E) but absent from the Historia Regum is printed
in italics :
761 King TEthelwold killed Oswine at YEdwinesclif (instead of Eildon).
764 Frithuwold bishop of Whithorn died on 7 May. He had been con-
secrated in the city (York) on 15 August in the sixth year of Ceolwulf's
reign (734) and was bishop 29 years. Then Pehtwine was consecrated
to Whithorn at Elvet on 17 July (probably in 763, for 17 July was a
Sunday in that year).
774 King Alhred was expelled from York at Eastertide.
Ill iEthelberht (afterwards bishop of Hexham) was consecrated to
Whithorn at York on 15 June.
778 TEthelbald and Heardberht killed three high-reeves, Ealdwulf son of
Bosa at Coniscliffe and Cynewulf and Ecga at Helathyrne 2 3 on 22 March
(instead of 29 September).
780 Archbishop TEthelberht died in the city (that is, York).
781 Higbald was consecrated to Lindisfarne at Sockburn.
783 There was a synod at Aclea.
788 A synod was assembled at Aclea A
790 Badwulf was consecrated to Whithorn by Archbishop Eanbald (Eanbald
I of York) and by Bishop AEthelberht (of Hexham) on 17 July.
793 Ealdorman Sicga died on 22 February. (The Historia Regum only
knows that his body was taken to Lindisfarne on 23 April.)
796 Eardwulf was consecrated king of Northumbria at York by Archbishop
Eanbald and by JEthelberht , Higbald and Badwulf (bishops of Hexham,
Lindisfarne and Whithorn respectively).
798 There was a battle at Whalley in the spring on 2 April, and Alric son
of Heardberht was killed. (The Historia Regum account omits the date
and gives different particulars.)
800 In this year there was an eclipse of the moon in the second hour of the
eve of 16 January. 4
802 In this year there was an eclipse of the moon in the dawn on 20 December. 5
803 In this year Higbald, bishop of Lindisfarne , died on 25 May, and
Ecgberht was consecrated in his place on 11 June.6
806 In this year there was an eclipse of the moon on 1 September . 7 And
1 Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel, Oxford 1899 (repr. 1952), Vol. 2,
p. lxix.
2 This place has not been identified.
3 The O.E. Aclea would be represented by such modern forms as
Oakleigh or Acle or Aycliffe — names too widespread to permit of identifica-
tion. The place need not have been in Northumbria.
4 That is, about 8 o’clock in the evening of 15 January. The eclipse
was partial, not total; its date and hour are confirmed by calculations made
by the Rev. S. J. Johnson, The Astronomical Register, 1873, Vol. 10, p. 242;
and by T. von Oppolzer, Canon der Finsternisse, Vienna 1887, p. 356.
5 The date should be 21 May, as was shown by Mr. Johnson in Monthly
Notices, Royal Astronomical Society, 1873, Vol. 33, p. 402; a scribe had
written xiii Kal. Jan. for xii Kal. jun. Otherwise the entry is correct, the
total phase lasting from 4.02 to 4.34 a.m., according to J. F. Schroeter,
Spezieller Canon der Zentralen Sonnen- und Mondfnsternissen 600-1800,
Kristiania 1923, p. 190.
6 But this information, being already in his Historia Duneimensis
Ecclesiae, Simeon may have deliberately omitted from the Historia Regum.
7 Totality lasted from 9.52 to 11.16 p.m. (Schroeter, op. cit., p. 190.
246
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Eardwulj, King of the Northumbrians, was expelled from his kingdom.
And Eanberht, bishop of Hexham, died.
Before taking all these divergences as proof that the ‘806 version’ was
rather fuller than the ‘802 version’, three qualifications must be made.
In the first place, just as the compiler of the archetype of D and E
omits, or abbreviates, particulars which will have been in the manuscript
of the Northumbrian Annals that he possessed, so the transmitters of the
‘802 version’ may have taken a similar liberty with the document they were
copying. We do not know how many stages intervened between the ‘802
version’ in its pristine state and the document that came into the hands of
the Durham historians. We do know that the parent of the existing text
has been interpolated in various ways (Hunter Blair, loc. cit.), and allowance
should be made for information dropping out while successive drafts of
the ‘802 version’ were being prepared, and for errors of transcription creeping
in. Yet the impression remains that the transcribers were as a rule careful
about facts, even when they put in flowery language of their own, because
the ‘802 version’ often preserves both the exact date of an event — the day
of the month being noted — and the place where an event occurred. State-
ments of the form ‘so-and-so fought (or died, or was consecrated, or was
married) on such-and-such a day' are recorded over thirty times in the
‘802 version’; the omission of similar details, of a kind that occur in the
‘806 version’, can hardly be set down to laziness or inadvertence on the
part of copyists, but suggests rather that these entries were not in the
document they possessed. 1 After all, they were simply transmitting annals,
and — unlike the compiler of the D, E archetype — were not trying to dove-
tail their material into a national chronicle. Moreover, the death of the
high-reeves, sub anno 778, is dated 22nd March in one version and 29th
September by the other; this discrepancy cannot be due to a mere slip of
the pen, and seems, like several more entries, to indicate a different manu-
script tradition.
As to the second qualification, we can imagine the compiler of the
archetype of D and E himself introducing material that was not in the
original form of the ‘806 version’. Thus when we are told, sub anno 780,
that Archbishop TEthelberht died in the city (York), the Chronicler may have
been drawing a reasonable inference from the Archbishop’s tomb, or relying
on tradition. And Mr. Plummer (op. cit., p. 49) considers that TEdwinesclif,
sub anno 761, may be a ‘volks etymologie’ for Eldunesclif. Yet — to take a
few examples — the consecrations of Pehtwine in 764 at Elvet on 17 July
and of TEthelberht in 777 at York on 15 June, and the date of the battle of
Whalley, fall into a different category; such details are not likely to have
survived, by oral tradition, for upwards of two hundred years; and the
same remark applies with even greater force to the astronomical entries
sub annis 800, 802, and 806, which would appear to derive from an eye-
witness.
The third qualification is of a similar kind: the Northumbrian Annals
need not have been the sole source of historical information at the Chronicler’s
disposal. There are traces, as Mr. Plummer has observed (op. cit., p. lxviii,
n. 6), of material not derived from Bede, or any obvious authority, in the
D and E versions before 733, when the influence of the Northumbrian
Annals begins to be apparent. 2 Some of the eighth-century material
(italicised) has a northern ring :
705 King Aldfrith died at Driffield on 14 December.
1 It must be observed, however, that a text of the ‘802 version’, or
material stemming from it, available to Richard of Hexham contained the
precise date, 29 Sept., of the 788 Synod of Aclea — facts not in Simeon
(A. W. Haddan and W. Stubbs, Councils etc., Oxford 1871, Vol. 3, p. 464);
yet Richard was not following a D, E type of Chronicle.
2 That is, the text of the Annals as handed down by Simeon. For a
discussion of entries before 733 see P. Hunter Blair, Archaeologia Aeliana,
1948, 4th series, Vol. 26, p. 98.
PRE-CONQUEST CHURCHES OF YORK
247
710 Ealdorman Brihtferth fought against the Piets between Haefe and
Caere (rivers Avon and Carron). And in the same year Sigbald was
killed.
716 King Osred was slain to the south of the border.
Although it is possible, as Mr. Plummer believed, that these items had
been entered into the manuscript of the ‘806 version’, we cannot exlude
other explanations: the mere existence of the Continuation of Bede, and
of particulars reaching us through Roger of Wendover, is enough to prove
that the writing of northern records was not confined to a single book in a
single place; and it follows that some of the material apparently preserved
by the ‘806 version’, after 733, could have come through other channels.
Nevertheless, existence must not be equated with availability: the lack of
distinctive northern entries in the D and E versions of the Chronicle after
806— a lack that persists for a hundred years — would suggest that very
little information, except the Northumbrian Annals, was ever available to
the archetype.
Most of the divergences, therefore, between the ‘802 version’ and the
‘806 version’ are probably due to the latter having been augmented and
interpolated before its story came to a close. And a working hypothesis
can now be formed along the following lines. The original Northumbrian
Annals were copied in 802, or 803, and a descendant of this copy fell into
Simeon’s hands early in the twelfth century. Meanwhile the parent version
was continued and expanded until 806, perhaps with additions taking the
record back to 705, a descendant of that copy becoming available to the
Chronicler early in the eleventh century, or late in the tenth. And in saying
so much we are not denying that the Chronicler could have had other
eighth-century sources to draw upon, although the indications are that
such sources were of minor importance.
The place where the Northumbrian Annals were written in the first
instance must remain a matter of conjecture:
Mr. Plummer’s choice of Ripon is curious, seeing that events there are
only mentioned three times ( sub annis 786, 787, and 790) in a period of
seventy years or so; other opinions have favoured York or Hexham. And
the history of the two versions until they reached the Chronicler and Simeon
is not likely to be recovered in any detail. But if we ask where, in the
north, at the end of the tenth or the beginning of the eleventh century,
could the Annals have been incorporated into the Chronicle, the answer is
limited to a very few places. Jarrow, Monkwearmouth, Whitby and many
smaller houses had been wrecked by the Danes; Melrose and Whithorn had
also disappeared. The bishopric of Hexham came to an end circa 820, and
community life there seems to have stopped after 875. Ripon suffered the
unusual fate of being destroyed by an English king, Eadred, in 948; although
monasticism was perhaps revived under Archbishop Oswald, the church led
a shadowy existence until much later times. Beverley and Southwell are
in no better case. 1 Thus the compiler of the D, E type of Chronicle should
be sought among the familiae of the bishops of York and Durham (or
Chester-le-Street) ; yet if the difference between the ‘802 version’ and the
‘806 version’ is accepted, the latter place becomes rather unlikely. Quite
apart from any other evidence, therefore, the northern church that makes
the most appropriate home for the archetype of D and E is York.
Another feature of the D, E archetype points in the same direction.
Although it is not possible to decide, in every case, why the Chronicler
selected some topics from the Northumbrian Annals and omitted others,
two facts can be established in a general way: he was at pains to preserve
the details of episcopal consecrations and obits in the northern Province,
for the sees of York, Hexham, Lindisfarne and Whithorn; but he ignored
the Irish bishops of Mayo, and particulars relating to Mercian sees at
1 For a discussion of these Northumbrian communities see A. Hamilton
Thompson in Bede, His Life, Times, and Writings, Oxford 1935.
248
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Hereford, Leicester, Lichfield, Lindsey, London and Worcester, and the
East Anglian sees of Dunwich and Elmham, and the bishopric of Selsey. 1
The first fact is demonstrated by comparing a list of entries2 in the
‘802 version’ and the D, E chronicle :
734, Frithuberht consecrated to Hexham, 8 Sept, (not entered into
the Chronicle under this year, but the length of his episcopate is given,
somewhat inaccurately, sub anno 766). 735, Ecgberht received the pallium.
740, TEthelwold of Lindisfarne died, also Acca of Hexham (who had been
expelled in 731); Cynewulf succeeded to Lindisfarne. 745, Wilfrid II of
York died. 764, Frithuwold of Whithorn died (the Chronicle adds the length
of his episcopate, and the month and day of his consecration and of his
death — above, p. 245) and Pehtwine succeeded him (the Chronicle adds
‘on 17 July’). 766, Ecgberht of York died, 19 Nov., and Frithuberht of
Hexham, 23 Dec. (the Chronicle omitting the latter date). 767, TEthelberht
consecrated to York and Alhmund to Hexham, 24 April (the Chronicle omits
the date). 773, TEthelberht received the pallium (omitted by the Chronicle).
777, Pehtwine of Whithorn died (the Chronicle’s year 776 is probably
correct); TEthelberht consecrated to Whithorn (the Chronicle adds ‘on 15
June'). 780, TEthelberht of York died; Cynewulf of Lindisfarne resigned;
Eanbald I of York received the pallium. 781, Higbald consecrated to
Lindisfarne; Alhmund of Hexham died, 7 Sept., and Tilberht succeeded
him, 2 Oct. 783, Cynewulf of Lindisfarne died. 790, Badwulf consecrated
to Whithorn, TEthelberht having been translated to Hexham on the death
of Tilberht, 789 (the Chronicle omits this translation and the reason for it,
but adds the date of Badwulf ’s consecration). 796, Eanbald I of York
died, 10 Aug., and Eanbald II succeeded on 14 Aug. 797; Eanbald II re-
ceived the pallium. 8 Sept.; TEthelberht of Hexham died, 16 Oct., and
Heardred succeeded him, 30 Oct. 800, Heardred of Hexham died and
Eanberht succeeded (the Chronicle omits).
Apart from a few minor slips, the Chronicler has failed to preserve
only three items of ecclesiastical importance :
773, TEthelberht’s reception of the pallium; 789, the translation of a
different TEthelberht; 800, the death of Heardred, and Eanberht’s con-
secration. TEthelberht’s having received the pallium is obvious from another
annal (780) and may not have been mentioned on that score; but the second
and third omissions must be set down to inadvertence rather than design.
On the other hand, we may feel fairly sure that the Chronicler designedly
left out Mercian, East Anglian and Irish intelligence :
732 ( recte 731), Cyneberht of Lindsey died. 733, Alwiu of Lindsey
and Sigeferth of Selsey consecrated. 736, Cuthbert consecrated to Hereford,
Heardwold to Dunwich, TEthelfrith to Elmham. 737, Ealdwine of Lichfield
died; Hwitta consecrated to Lichfield, Totta to Leicester. 745, ‘The Bishop
of the Hwicce’ (Wilfrid of Worcester) died; Ingwold of London died. 750,
Alwiu of Lindsey died and Ealdwulf succeeded. 764, Totta of Leicester
died and Eadberht succeeded. 765, Hemele of Lichfield died and Cuthred
succeeded; Ealdwulf of Lindsey died and Ceolwulf succeeded (in 767).
768, Hadwine consecrated to Mayo. 773, Hadwine died and Leodfrith
succeeded to Mayo. 786, Ealdwulf of Mayo consecrated. 796, Ceolwulf of
Lindsey died. 801, Heathuberht of London died.
Of all these items only the last but one has been entered into the
Chronicle, perhaps by oversight. 3 It is scarcely likely that such a number
1 He of course retained the southern entries of the Chronicle text that
was his exemplar.
2 Here much abbreviated, the dates being those of the Historia Regum,
as before.
3 We learn, however, from the A version of the Chronicle that in 794
( recte 796) Ceolwulf ‘left the country’, which might mean his removing from
Mercia to Northumbria; and the retention of his name, sandwiched between
two York notices, could be deliberate if he had died in the city.
PRE-CONQUEST CHURCHES OF YORK
249
of notices could have dropped out while the ‘806 version’ was in process of
being copied, for we saw earlier that this text appears to have been rather
more elaborate than the ‘802 version’, in matters relating both to church
and state.
From the pointed exclusion of ecclesiastical detail not concerned with
the Province of York we are driven to infer that the Chronicler’s interests
were confined to that area. 1 Faced with the task of producing a local
variant of the national history, he added not only the lives and deaths of
Northumbrian kings but also the careers of bishops — thus making a register
of higher clergy for the Province as it was constituted in the eighth century.
It is hard to imagine that such an enterprise would have been undertaken
in any place but York, or, at least, sponsored by anyone except an archbishop.
1 This inference would still hold even if the distinction between the two
versions of Northumbrian Annals is not real; that is, even if the Chronicler
were working from the ‘802 version’ only, supplemented by episcopal lists
and Paschal annals. But the failure to use supplementary sources after 806
would then be hard to explain.
250
A STUDY IN THE MANORIAL HISTORY OF
HALIFAX PARISH IN THE SIXTEENTH AND
EARLY SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES.*
By Martha J. Ellis.
PART I.
*This study has been made possible by an American Association of
University Women grant of the Kathryn McHale Fellowship for the year
1957-1958 as well as by grants from Hollins College, Virginia, and the
Danforth Foundation.
The following abbreviations have been used: —
BL: Bodleian Library
BM: British Museum
CD : Chancery Depositions
CP: Chancery Proceedings
C, PR: Chancery, Patent Rolls
DL, D: Duchy of Lancaster, Depositions
DL, D and O: Duchy of Lancaster, Decrees and Orders
DL, P: Duchy of Lancaster, Pleadings
DL, R and S: Duchy of Lancaster, Rentals and Surveys
DL, SC: Duchy of Lancaster, Special Commissions
E, B and A: Exchequer, Bills and Answers
ED: Exchequer, Depositions
E, D and O: Exchequer, Decrees and Orders
HX: Halifax
LP Lib: Leeds Public Library
PRO: Public Record Office
RA MSS: Rufford Abbey Manuscripts
SH: Shibden Hall
SPD: State Papers, Domestic
St. Ch.: Star Chamber
THAS: Transactions of the Halifax Antiquarian Society
TN: Temple Newsam
TRHS: Transactions of the Royal Historical Society
WMCR: Wakefield Manor Court Roll
Y A J : Yorkshire Archaeological Journal
YAS Lib.: Yorkshire Archaeological Society Library
YAS Rec. Ser.: Yorkshire Archaeological Society Record Series
Nineteenth century historians were scholars chiefly concerned
with political and institutional development, but historical
research in the twentieth century has been more and more focussed
on the economic and social aspects of the past. Although many
would not agree with Karl Marx that life is completely determined
by economic motivations, many have become very cognizant of
the importance of economic and social developments in history.
Group projects for the study of agricultural and economic history
have become popular. The local historian also has gained an
important place for himself in the realm of historical scholarship,
MANORIAL HISTORY OF HALIFAX PARISH
251
since monographic studies on local areas greatly ease the way to
accomplishing larger studies and more satisfactory generalizations.
Long accepted theories and terminology have been re-
examined. Sharp controversy has arisen over the phrase “ early
modern” as denoting a distinct period of history, the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries. Some historians have devoted their
energies to showing that this period was without precedent in
most of its features, while others have been very much concerned
with the remnants of medieval life. Before R. H. Tawney’s book
on the agrarian crisis of the sixteenth century, little attention
had been paid to the feudal-manorial system of rural life in that
period. Since then with the ever increasing interest in the en-
closure movement several other studies have been made which
reveal the extent to which feudal-manorial structure was still
present in some parts of Elizabethan and Jacobean England.1
Always a practical system, manorialism seems to have been
frequently maintained where it still served a profitable purpose
for the lords and their tenants.
To use the term “early modern” without modification is
certainly misleading in the case of the West Riding in the six-
teenth and seventeenth centuries. Although feudalism and
manorialism in their broadest sense had already lost much of
their original significance in the face of the emergence of numerous
urban centres and the development of the domestic system in
the cloth industry, some manorial characteristics still remained
to affect the pattern of economic and social life in some parts of the
Riding. Indeed, there seems to have been a revival of certain
manorial features in this period in spite of the development of
important industrial areas. Halifax parish in the Wapentake of
Agbrigg-Morley serves as an excellent example both of the revival
and of the continuation of some manorial characteristics. Within
the manorial framework a persistent struggle was waged for
advantages. On one side the landlords demanded the reinstate-
ment of and the close adherence to certain lucrative features like
the lord’s right to mills and special fines. On the other side were
the tenants eager to improve their incomes, but in some cases
reluctant to give up their manorial benefits.
Topographically Halifax parish with its twenty-five town-
ships2 lies on the sloping declivities of the Pennine range. Much
1 See R. H. Tawney, The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century
(New York, 1912); Joan Thirsk, English Peasant Farming (London, 1957);
W. G. Hoskins, The Midland Peasant (London, 1957); and S. H. Waters,
Wakefield in the Seventeenth Century (Wakefield, 1933), as good examples.
2 As an ecclesiastical and civil unit in the sixteenth century Halifax
parish consisted of twenty-five townships. Ten of these were in the parochial
district; Halifax, Sowerby, Northowram, Warley, Ovenden, Southowram,
Hipperholm cum Brighouse, Skircoat, Midgley, and Shelf. The other town-
ships were divided between Elland Chapelry and Heptonstall Chapelry.
The former consisted of Elland cum Greetland, Barkisland, Fixby, Norland,
Rastrick, Rishworth, Soyland, and Stainland; the latter of Heptonstall,
Erringden, Langfield, Stansfield, and Wadworth. John Crabtree, A Concise
History of the Parish and Vicarage of Halifax (Halifax, 1836), 317, 430, 501.
252
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
of the land is either moorlands or part of the Coal Measure. With
an increase in the population the produce and general income
from the land was no longer sufficient to maintain the inhabitants.
By the end of the fourteenth century many of them had begun to
devote more and more of their energies to the raising of sheep
and to the woollen cloth industry, but few abandoned farming
completely. In Halifax parish, as in the rest of the West Riding
of Yorkshire, the woollen industry developed within the frame-
work of a rural community which persisted even when Halifax
was one of the chief producers of kersey cloth in the North at
the end of the sixteenth century. The cottage industrial system
was not seriously changed until the eighteenth century by which
time the manorial characteristics were also fast fading away.
In the sixteenth century the parish lay within the Duchy
of Lancaster, which had been declared a special administrative
unit in 1399 by Henry IV, the first of the Lancastrian kings.
The lands in the Duchy were Henry’s family inheritance and
were to remain distinct from the lands he had received when he
became king. A chancellor and a council of the Duchy were
established to govern the area and to see that justice was done
to all its tenants. Within the Duchy there were many divisions
some of which were much older in origin than the Duchy itself.
Two of these older areas were the Honour of Pontefract and the
Manor of Wakefield under whose jurisdictions Halifax came, for
twenty-two of its townships were in the Manor of Wakefield and
three of its townships came within the Honour of Pontefract.
At the time of the Norman Conquest both the Honour and
the Manor were in the hands of the crown and in the sixteenth
century were still regarded as ancient demesne, which meant
that the tenants could not have the stipulated conditions of
their tenures altered against their wishes.1 At the time of the
Domesday Book much of the land in the West Riding was divided
between Ilbert de Lacy and William the Conqueror. Some twenty-
five towns in Morley Wapentake and the greater part of one
1 The tenants of ancient demesne were also free from toll in all the
markets within the Manor and the Honour. See J. W. Walker, Wakefield,
Its History and People (Wakefield, 1934), 73. The privileges of toll were not
forgotten even by the sixteenth century. In the Calendar of Patent Rolls,
1558-1560 (p. 369) is an order issued in 1560 to all sheriffs which stated
that Halifax among other towns in the Manor of Wakefield was to be free
of tolls because it was ancient demesne. The Rev. Nelson cited a charter
granted first in the reign of Edward VI and then renewed by James I which
stated that Halifax was free of all tolls throughout the realm since it was
ancient demesne. The History of the Town and Parish of Halifax (London,
1789), 41-42. In 1562 John Savile and several other chapmen brought an
action against the sheriff of Nottingham who had seized certain packets of
cloth which were on their way from Wakefield to London. He was demanding
one penny for every pack, but the plaintiffs claimed that they had freedom
from toll by right of ancient demesne. In spite of the previous order the
Duchy court decided in favour of the sheriff, stating that the rights of ancient
demesne could not be extended that far afield. J. W. Walker, Wakefield,
336-337. See PRO, DL, P 1/118/S15, which is a similar case (22 Elizabeth IJ.
MANORIAL HISTORY OF HALIFAX PARISH
253
hundred and fifty manors in the West Riding had been given to
de Lacy about 1067 as the Honour of Pontefract. The lands
held by the king, known in the 1080s as the “soc of Wakefield”,
were not granted until the early twelfth century.1 However, the
holdings of the king and the de Lacy family were not completely
identical with the holdings of the Honour and the Manor in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, though the differences were
few.2
Ilbert de Lacy, as lord of the Honour, built his castle at
Pontefract which became the centre of the liberty where the
courts were held.3 The de Lacy family continued its control over
this Honour until Alice de Lacy, the only daughter and heiress
of Henry de Lacy, the last Earl of Lincoln, married the Earl of
Lancaster at the end of the thirteenth century. When the Earl
of Lancaster became king of England as Henry IV, this estate
was included in the Duchy of Lancaster and constituted one of
the most important honours in England at that time.4 By 1608,
according to a survey, the Honour contained only eighteen manors.5
In 1618 James I assigned it to Queen Anne and the yearly income
to the crown was given at this time as £131 6s 8d.6
The Norman kings held the Manor of Wakefield longer than
the Honour, for it was not until the early twelfth century that
the Manor with Sandal Castle as its baronial seat was assigned to
William, the Earl of Warenne and Surrey.7 At this time nearly
1 According to the present Clerk of the Duchy of Lancaster, Robert
Somerville, the Manor of Wakefield was included in the territory of the
Honour of Pontefract, but if this was true it was only in theory for there
is no proof of the Honour having had any jurisdiction directly over the
Manor. See Robert Somerville, History of the Duchy of Lancaster (London,
1953), 523. See also Charles Travis Clay, ed., Early Yorkshire Charters,
The Honour of Warenne, YAS Rec. Ser., Extra Series, VI (Wakefield, 1949),
180. The latter definitely refers to two separate areas.
2 An example of these discrepancies can be found in the case of
Quarmby which was to be a part of the Wakefield Manor later but at the
time of Domesday was in the hands of Ilbert de Lacy. However, the king
held Greetland which was to become a part of the Honour. Edward Parsons,
The Civil, Ecclesiastical, Literary, Commercial, and Miscellaneous History of
Leeds, Halifax, Huddersfield, Bradford, Wakefield, Dewsbury, Otley, and the
Manufacturing District of Yorkshire (Leeds, 1834), I, 37; Lorenzo Padgett,
Chronicles of Old Pontefract (Pontefract, 1905), 54-55; and William Farrer,
ed., “Translation of the Yorkshire Domesday," The Victoria History of the
County of York, William Page, ed. (London, 1912), II, 300-303.
3 Padgett, 38, 54.
4 Parsons, I, 93-94; and Thomas Allen, A New and Complete History
of the County of York (London, 1831), V, 326-328. See also Somerville,
History of the Duchy, 19, 22.
5 PRO, SPD, v. 37, nos. 106-107.
6 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, of the Reign of James I,
1611-1618, IX (London, 1858), 379 (Sign Man. vol. VI, no. 14)
7 The date is uncertain. The grant was probably not made earlier than
1098, nor later than 1121. In all probability the earliest date it could have
been granted was 1106 or 1107. See Clay, ed., Early Yorkshire Charters,
VI, 178. Walker placed it earlier than this, but he stated no definite date.
J. W. Walker, Wakefield, 48.
254 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
all the townships which were to make up the parish of Halifax
were included in this manor, which stretched more than thirty
miles from Normanton westward to the border of Lancashire and
contained some one hundred and fifty towns, villages, and hamlets
as well as many sub-manors.1 The Warenne family continued to
hold the Manor until the fourteenth century when the Earl had
no legitimate heir. Edward III granted the Manor to the Earl’s
natural son, but at his death it passed to the Duke of York,
therefore eventually becoming crown land once more. Unlike the
Honour of Pontefract, the Manor of Wakefield was not included
in the Duchy of Lancaster until 1558. 2 In 1629 Charles I gave
the Manor to Henry, the Earl of Holland.3 The Earl of Holland,
in turn, granted it a year later as part of the marriage portion of
his daughter, who was marrying Sir Gervase Clifton of Nottingham.
In 1663 the latter sold the Manor to Sir Christopher Clapham, in
whose family estates it remained until the beginning of the
eighteenth century when the land passed to the dukes of
Leeds.4
Both the Honour and the Manor when they belonged to the
king were administered by stewards who governed the king’s
estates as his representative, preserving his rights to preside at
the manorial courts and his power to inquire into matters which
directly concerned the whole manor. The stewards or their
deputies with the aid of their bailiffs were also to see that all
rents were paid to the king.5 In the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries the stewards were either knights or nobles and among
the leading citizens of the North of England. At the time of the
Pilgrimage of Grace the Tempest family seems to have been the
most important in the area, for Sir Richard Tempest was steward
of the Manor and his son-in-law, Lord d’Arcy, was steward of
the Honour.6 Sir John Tempest succeeded his father and remained
steward of the Manor until his death in 1565. By this time the
Tempests appear to have lost control in the Honour to their
rivals, the Saviles, who now controlled both the Manor and the
1 Allen, V, 452.
2 Somerville, History of the Duchy, 302.
3 Charles I granted this Manor as partial repayment of the £25,000
he owed to Henry, who had been created Earl of Holland just before James
I died. Henry was beheaded in 1649 for his part in the attempted restoration
of Charles II. J. W. Walker, Wakefield, 367.
4 Ibid., 367-368.
5 The stewards had many other interests and seldom personally held
courts; instead they appointed deputies. For example, Robert Greenwood
of the Inner Temple, gentleman, was appointed as deputy in 1587 by the
Wakefield Manor steward. He belonged to the well-to-do Greenwood family
of Greenwood Lee in Heptonstall, a township in Halifax parish. See YAS
Lib., WMCR, 1587.
6 Lord d’Arcy was convicted of treason and executed in 1537 because
he had surrendered Pontefract to the rebels during the Pilgrimage of Grace.
Somerville, History of the Duchy, 515.
MANORIAL HISTORY OF HALIFAX PARISH
255
Honour.1 Henry Savile became steward of both liberties until
his death in 1569. 2 For a short time the Saviles did not hold the
office of steward for either the Honour or the Manor, but in 1588
Edward Carey, esquire, a distant cousin of Queen Elizabeth and
groom of the Privy Chamber, and Sir John Savile of Howley,
Carey’s son-in-law, became joint stewards of the Manor. According
to the manor rolls the two men remained joint stewards until
1617. The 1618 court was held by Sir John alone but by 1619
his son, Thomas, was holding the court as steward. Sir John was
also steward of the Honour before he died in 1630. He was one
of the chief supporters of the West Riding clothiers and was
politically very active in opposition to Thomas Wentworth who
later became Lord Strafford, the well-known minister of Charles I.3
Although the areas of the Honour and the Manor were
administered as single units by stewards and their subordinates,
there were individual lords of the sub-manors who were eager to
gain as much profit as possible from their rights to demand suit
to mills and courts which they had either been given or had
bought when they obtained their sub-manors. Not only did the
Saviles control the position of steward by the seventeenth century,
but they also controlled most of these sub-manors within the
parish of Halifax. As early as the fourteenth century, after the
Elland family had been murdered in a local feud, the Saviles held
Elland cum Greetland and Southowram, the three townships in
the Honour. At the time of the Civil War Sir William Savile still
held Elland cum Greetland, but as early as the sixteenth century
Southowram had passed to the Lacy family of Cromwellbothom
in Halifax parish. From the Lacy estate it passed to Thomas
Whitley in the reign of James I.
1 The antagonism between some members of the two families is evident
in the struggle between inhabitants of the parish of Halifax and the vicar,
Robert Holdsworth, at the time of the Pilgrimage of Grace. See Joseph
Smith Fletcher, The Reformation in Northern England (London, 1925), 134,
136-144. Sir John Tempest was also steward of Bradford and constable of
Sandal. Somerville, History of the Duchy, 523.
2 Somerville, History of the Duchy, 523. In the Honour Savile shared
the position with Lord Talbot who later became the Earl of Shrewsbury
in 1560. The Earl died in 1589 and his son became steward. Henry Savile
of Lupset, esquire, was the Crown Surveyor in the North, constable of
Sandal and Pontefract and steward of Barnoldswick and Bradford besides
holding the position of steward in both the Manor and the Honour. He was
a member of parliament in 1558, sheriff of the county in 1567, and a member
of the Council of the North. John William Clay, The Extinct and Dormant
Peerages of the Northern Counties of England (London, 1913), 191.
3 Sir John was a great benefactor to Leeds and in 1626 he was chosen
the first mayor since he was in large measure responsible for the incorporation
of Leeds. See Somerville, History of the Duchy, 515. He was also steward
of Bradford, from time to time member of parliament for the county of
York, one-time keeper of the rolls for the West Riding. In 1628 he was
created Baron Savile of Pontefract, two years before he died. Calendar of
State Papers, Domestic Series, of the Reign of Charles I, 1628-1629, III
(1859), 222 (Coll. Sign Man, Car. I, vol. ix, no. 26). His son Thomas who
later became Baron of Pontefract continued as steward of the Manor even
after it was given to the Earl of Holland in 1629. See Manor Rolls.
256 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Of the twenty-two townships in Halifax parish within the
jurisdiction of the Manor, the township of Midgley was held as a
sub-manor by John Lacy of Brearley until 1590, when his daughter
married Henry Farrer of Eawood, who became the next lord of
the manor.1 It remained in the hands of the Farrer family until
the eighteenth century. The Saviles held Barkisland, Norland,
Northowram, Rish worth, Ovenden, Wadsworth, Stansfield, Warley,
Stainland, Skircoat and Shelf. Without a doubt branches of the Savile
family were the most important landholders in the parish. Other
lords of sub-manors in the parish included Robert Ealand who was
holding a court baron in Hipperholme in the reign of Elizabeth.2
The Thornhill family had controlled the manor of Fixby since
the fourteenth century and part of the manor of Rastrick.3
Robert Ramsden, a member of an important clothier-landholding
family not only in Halifax but also in Huddersfield, held the rest
of Rastrick as the twentieth part of a knight’s fee from the crown.
The most important manor in the parish was the rectory
manor of Halifax, which lay within the Manor of Wakefield and
included both the townships of Halifax and Heptonstall as well
as a few rents in Elland, Hipperholme, Northowram, Southowram,
and Ovenden. At the end of the eleventh century or in the first
part of the twelfth century the Earl of Warenne endowed the
church in Halifax with considerable land.4 In 1147 the third Earl
bestowed this endowment and the right to the church’s advowson
on the Priory of Lewes in Sussex which his family had helped to
establish shortly after the Norman Conquest.5 The pope declared
the church a vicarage and designated the area for the new parish
in 1273. The parish church with its endowment was now a rectory
manor held by the Priory from which the vicar was to receive
an income from the tithes of mills, calves, and death duties, if in
return he paid £4 13s to the Priory.6 As early as 1510 the tithes
to which the Priory had a right were being collected by John
Waterhouse, and in 1533 the Prior leased the Great Tithes of the
vicarage, as well as Shibden Hall, to Robert Waterhouse of
Halifax for terms of three successive ninety-nine year periods.7
This was, indeed, a complex situation, for the so-called manor
was held by the Priory, and the tithes were farmed by the Waterhouse
1 Farrer sold the estate in Halifax parish to his brother and moved
to Lancashire around 1623. Burke’s Genealogical and Heraldic History of
the Landed Gentry (London, 1937), 754.
2 (Nelson), 65.
3 See Clay, ed., Early Yorkshire Charters, VI, 196.
4 W. K. Barnes and I. M. Longbotham, Halifax Parish Church (Glou-
cester, n.d.), 7; and LP Lib., Edward Johnson Walker Collection, MSS.
relating to Halifax Parish Church, MS/YH139(283)a. The former wrote
that it was the end of the eleventh century and the latter sometime after 1138.
5 See Clay, ed., Early Yorkshire Charters, VI, 201.
6 LP Lib., MS/YH139(283)a.
7 LP Lib., TN/HX/A19. This meant that the Waterhouse family
was to control the tithes until 1733. See LP Lib., TN/HX/A54; and Hugh
P. Kendall, ed., “The Rental of the Freeholders and Copyholders of Halifax,
1587-8,” THAS (1930), 10.
MANORIAL HISTORY OF HALIFAX PARISH
257
family, but the manor continued to be a part of the Manor of Wake-
field. At the Dissolution, the Priory passed to the crown, which once
more controlled the manor of Halifax, but the lease of the tithes was
allowed to continue. The manor passed from the control of Thomas
Cromwell to Anne of Cleves as part of her dowry. By a sale in
1 545 J ohn Waterhouse and his son Robert became owners of this sub-
manor, which was still to remain part of the Manor of Wakefield.1
About 1606 Sir Edward Waterhouse, now the owner of the
manor had serious financial difficulties which forced him to give
up the manor to Sir Arthur Ingram, who was a friend of Lionel
Cranfield and seems to have been on friendly terms with Thomas
Wentworth.2 By Letters Patent the estate was formally bestowed
on Ingram in the seventh year of James’ reign.3 Sir Arthur used
the manor to make money, enfranchising land, taking on suit
after suit to insure his right to control the mills, and, in general,
keeping close watch on all his interests.4 In 1626 he sold Hepton-
1 LP Lib., TN/HX/A36. Their manor house was Shibden Hall in
Northowram, only a short distance from the town of Halifax. When Sir
Arthur Ingram bought the estate he did not use Shibden Hall, for when
he stayed in Yorkshire he lived in the Minster Yard, York.
2 See William Knowler, ed., The Earl of Strafforde’s Letters and Dis-
patches (London, 1739), I, 11. This citation is to a letter written by Went-
worth to Ingram about the coming election in which he and Sir J ohn Savile were
contending for a seat in Parliament ( 1 620) , This might suggest that there was
little friendship between the lord of the rectory manor and the strongest
single family in the parish, since Sir John Savile and Wentworth were scarcely
friendly at this point and Wentworth's letter reveals this antagonism.
3 PRO, C, PR 1797/Pt. 9/ii. Ingram was to pay 33s. 5d. as a yearly
rent to the king. Robert Waterhouse had reached the peak in the family's
fortune. He died in 1598, leaving the estate to his son Edward, whose
guardian for a time was David Waterhouse, Robert’s brother. In the course
of a few years Edward sold the manor to Ingram. At the time of the sale
Edward kept a lease of some lands which his father had given him several
years before his death. It was agreed that, if Ingram decided not to make
use of certain moors and wastes after a year, he would return them to
David and Edward, and £1000 of the purchase price would be deducted.
David soon went to prison on charges of debt and Edward retired to Surrey,
a bankrupt. It would seem that Ingram paid neither the rents for the
leased lands nor relinquished the wastelands which he was not using. Ingram,
who had a reputation for not paying all the purchase price, seems to have
tried to deny these agreements in a court action which took place in the
1630s. See T. W. Hanson, A Short History of Shibden Hall (Halifax, 1934),
12. See also PRO, CP 3/418/71; CD 21/W16/17. David Waterhouse seems
to have been as crafty as Ingram in his business dealings and may well
have been a contributing factor in the ruin of this branch of the Waterhouse
family. See John Lister, “The History of Shibden Hall: The Waterhouse
Family,” THAS (1917), 64ff.
4 Among the Temple Newsam Manuscripts in the Leeds Public Library
is a rental (TN/HX/B4/4) in which the value of the manor was noted in
some detail. It is unfortunately undated, but it may have been made out
at the time of the sale to Ingram. The following list was given: the manor
house with demesne and tenements in Halifax, £70 10s 4d; seven corn mills,
£250; three fulling mills, £23; cloth halls in Halifax, £30; land in Heptonstall,
£26; cloth halls in Heptonstall, £3; freehold rents out of the parish, £3;
land forfeited to the lord each year, c.£80; copyhold rent from 5338 acres,
£85 10s; and fines, £800. The total income of the manor in a year was
given as £1370 and the total sale value was placed at £13,057 15s.
258 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
stall to Charles Greenwood, the Rector of the Church at Thornhill,
for £500, but he kept Halifax for himself.1
The lords of the sub-manors including Halifax-Heptonstall
appear to have had stewards just like the lords of the Honour
and the Manor, but they were, of course, not as illustrious as the
stewards of the Manor or the Honour. Both the Waterhouse
family and Ingram had stewards or agents in their employ for the
rectory manor, but they appear to have kept them much more
under their supervision when they held court and attended to
their other responsibilities than appears to have been the case of
the stewards of the larger units. Not only did the rectory steward
have duties in the manor of Halifax, but he also was sent to
other parts of the lord’s landholdings in Yorkshire and, in general,
was to keep the estates and their inhabitants in line with the
lord’s wishes.2
Besides the sub-manors, there is one other type of admini-
trative unit in the Manor of Wakefield worth mentioning, the
graveship. There were twelve graveships in the Manor in all, but
only those of Sowerby, Hipperholme, and Rastrick (including
seven townships) were within the parish of Halifax. Over these
areas graves were elected each year from those eligible to hold
the office because of a certain kind of tenure. The graves collected
freehold and copyhold rents, sometimes referred to as the Earl’s
rents, which were owed to the lord of the Manor at Michaelmas,
and in the Middle Ages they served as constables with responsi-
bilities to oversee the general raising of the crops. The reason
why some fifteen sub-manors, or “inferior manors” as they were
called in the Wakefield Manor Book of 1709, were not included
in these graveships is difficult to understand. The answer may
lie in the amount of rents to be collected and the way in which
these sub-manors were held. Sowerby and Hipperholme appear
to have been personally held by the lord of the Wakefield Manor
throughout, while the others were granted to sub-lords who held
their own courts baron. It was in these graveships that the
oxgang land (the originally cultivated land in the open fields
at the time the Wakefield Manor was first bestowed on the Earl
of Warenne)3 was situated and the duty to contribute to the
upkeep of the Wakefield Mill Dam was owed. The bailiff in
1 RA MSS., Parcel No. 7, Serial No. 1/7/5; and Parcel No. 30, Serial
No. 49.
2 See the steward’s accounts made by John Matteson while he was in
the employ of David Waterhouse during the first ten years of the seven-
teenth century and also Matteson’s accounts when he worked for Sir Arthur
Ingram later. These can be found in LP Lib., TN/EA/13/1-3, 5, 6.
3 There were nineteen and three-fourth oxgangs in Hipperholme and
nine in Rastrick. See YAS Lib., Kendall MSS., MS 626, fol. 99; WMCR
1570; and PRO, DL, SC 44/355, for references to oxgangs. In the last
document the amount of 4s. Id. was given as the yearly rent for one oxgang
of land which amounted to approximately fourteen acres.
MANORIAL HISTORY OF HALIFAX PARISH
259
Halifax, an official of the Wakefield Manor, may have supervised
the collection of the Earl’s rents in the other sub-manors. In
fact, graves were annually announced in the court of the Halifax
rectory manor and graves may have been appointed in some of
the other sub-manor courts without the official designation of
the term graveship. 1
The inhabitants of these sub-manors and graveships con-
sisted of copyholders, leaseholders, and freeholders. The villein
had long since commuted most of his services into a money rent
and commonly had become a customary tenant or copyholder,
who could defend his right to his land in the king’s court if his
manorial court failed to give him justice.2 In the literal sense,
only those who held oxgang land and original royd (cleared of
trees) land were copyholders since the tenants of more recently
cultivated land were holding their land ad voluntatem, i.e. on an
indefinite lease by the will of the lord. In the records the distinc-
tion between the original copyhold land and the more recently
cleared land which was called land held ad voluntatem was not
always made and in many cases only those who had very recently
enclosed land from the wastes were designated as tenants ad
voluntatem. With the difference so slight between these two
groups, it seems safe to call them all copyholders.
Although the tenants were now copyholders and not medieval
villeins, some of the old obligations to the lord of the manor
remained: suit to the lord’s court and mills (both fulling and
corn), the requirement to register with the lord’s court any change
in the holding of the land, the duty of paying rent to the lord
each year for the land, and the obligation to pay a fine called a
heriot when receiving land which was changing hands either
because of death or because of a transfer of land from one person
to another.3
By the seventeenth century some of the copyholders in the
parish of Halifax were becoming dissatisfied with the manner in
which the fines for land transfer were being collected. In the
Wakefield Manor, as well as in the Honour of Pontefract, these
1 See John Charlesworth, ed., Wakefield, Manor Book, 1709, YAS Rec.
Ser., Cl (1939), 5, 50-51, 53; Crabtree, 382; J. W. Walker, Wakefield, 79,
357; Waters, Wakefield, 10; and the court rolls for Halifax in the Temple
Newsam collection in Leeds. A woman could be appointed to serve as a
grave, but she usually appointed a deputy to carry out her duties. Sowerby
graveship included Soyland and Warley, and Hipperholme graveship appears
to have included Brighouse and Northowram.
2 Tawney, 96.
3 Sometimes a day’s work was still required on the roads of some
parts of the parish, but this duty could be fulfilled by paying twelve pennies.
See YAS Lib., WMCR 1629. It was to this service that a witness in a corn
mill case referred when he mentioned that in Sowerby he still paid twelve
pennies as composition money for every day’s work he owed. PRO, DL,
D 4/69/49 (17 James I). In Barkisland six days’ work was still expected
from every man, and an overseer was appointed to see that the work was
done. The same was true of the Rastrick inhabitants. See YAS Lib.,
WMCR 1613.
260
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
fines, unfixed by custom, were left to the will of the lord. They
may have been increasing in amount through the years, but it is
impossible to tell definitely from the material given in the court
rolls. A royal commission was appointed to investigate the request
for fixed fines about 1606. 1 A document entitled the Breviate of
Sowerby, probably drawn up by a lawyer in the employ of the
graveship to provide the royal commission with information,
argued that, according to a manorial survey, the fines had already
been fixed in the reign of Edward II. Much to the harm of the
inhabitants of Sowerby this agreement had been allowed to lapse.
Sowerby should have had better treatment than this, stated the
Breviate, for, in spite of its poverty, " . . . by the paynefull
laboure and industrie of the inhabitants itt [the graveship] hath
beene improved from xxx li. by yeare to lx li. by yeare . . .”2
The inhabitants of Hipperholme graveship were also employing
a lawyer, John Midgley, who was a native of the parish, to search
the records in London on their behalf.3 These two attempts to
establish definite rights reveal that at least some of the inhabitants
felt a modification of the old manorial ambiguity would be to
their advantage.
The king, always interested in increasing his revenue,
favoured the idea, and the Privy Council issued an order on
November 18, 1608. It set the price for the fixing of fines at a
composition of thirty-five years rent, which was to be paid in
two instalments by each person agreeing to the arrangement.
No one was forced to agree to this expensive composition, but by
a decree issued in December, 1608, no one was to have the benefit
of the initial decree unless he paid the composition by February
2nd of the following year.4 Of the inhabitants in the parish of
1 See YAS Lib., WMCR 1606. Included in this roll is a note indicating
that a survey of the entire Manor of Wakefield was to be made since none
existed which was up to date. This was probably in connection with the
investigation by the commission appointed by James I to review the request
for fixing fines. See PRO, SPD, v. 37, nos. 106-107. The Honour was also
surveyed at this time and it was found that rents there were higher on the
average than in the Manor and that the inhabitants were not as affluent
as in the Manor. See also Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, of the
Reign of James I, 1611-1618, IX (London, 1858), 69. On August 16, 1611,
Sir Henry Savile and two others were certified to proceed in persuading the
copyhold tenants of Pontefract to compound for their uncertain fines.
2 LP Lib., TN/HX/E, fol. 6. This rise in rent value may have been
caused by an increase in the number of enclosures from the waste lands.
3 The statement of Midgley’s fees for searching in places like the Tower
is still preserved in the Shibden Hall collection of manuscripts. Lister
MSS., 1608. He had received from several men the sum of £18 17s 2d and
he had spent £6 6s 3d, according to his accounts.
4 See PRO, as quoted in DL, D and O 5/26/fol. 7b-12b, 13; and 5/25/
fol. 46-47. This order stated that an act of parliament was to be passed
to make the agreement permanent. Three years rent, instead of one and one-
half years as many had claimed was the custom, was to be paid as heriot
for messuages with lands, cottages with lands, mills and all other types of
land. For a messuage without lands eight pennies were to be paid and for a
cottage without lands only four pennies were required. Also, twenty pennies
per pound were to be paid when land was surrendered to another person.
MANORIAL HISTORY OF HALIFAX PARISH
261
Halifax, only those who resided in the graveships of Sowerby
(including Warley and Soyland), Hipperholme, and Rastrick
appear to have been given the opportunity to compound. In all,
four hundred and eight signed from the parish: two hundred and
seventy-four were from Sowerby; one hundred and nineteen from
Hipperholme; and fifteen from Rastrick. These figures probably
represented nearly all the copyholders in those three graveships.1
The total number of copyholders in the parish is difficult to
estimate. Professor Tawney has calculated that copyholders
constituted nearly two-thirds of the landholding population in the
whole country.2 It is possible that in Halifax parish at the
beginning of Elizabeth’s reign the copyholders made up at least
two-thirds of the population if not more, but by the Civil War
this number may have dropped because of enfranchisement.3
The appearance of the leaseholder, like the commutation of
services of a copyholder, was a sign of the breakdown or at least
the modification of manorialism, for leaseholders began to appear
in large numbers only when the lord began to lease demesne land.
The leasing of the demesne can be seen in the deeds and wills
which concern capital messuages, for this term very often meant
the manor house and part of the demesne land. A lease holder,
judging from the wills, was quite likely to be a copyholder or a
freeholder. Although it is impossible to estimate the number of
leaseholders in the parish of Halifax, one contemporary statistic
is worth citing. In a rental for the manor of Halifax, probably
either from the end of the sixteenth century or from the early
seventeenth century, the number of leaseholders was given as
seven hundred in comparison with the three hundred copyholders,
who were their landlords.4 The leaseholder usually undertook the
responsibilities associated with his tenement and lands, such as
suit to mill and court unless his lease stated otherwise. During
the period of this study, the length of the leases in Halifax parish
ranged from a few years to two hundred or more years. If the
leases filed with the Halifax-Heptonstall manor court are any
indication, the average length appears to have been twenty-one
years.
1 The king was to receive a total of £5924 17s 6£d from all the in-
habitants of the Manor who had accepted the agreement. See PRO, E, D
and O 126, Ser. IV, v. 1, fol. 152-161; and SPD, v. 44, no. 8. From a Hipper-
holme rental, where the composition money was included, it is possible to
see the amounts which individuals were willing to pay for fixing of their
fines. Thirty-seven of the copyholders were willing to pay between £6 and
£21 for this privilege, and eighty-five paid less. This same rental indicates
that practically all had paid their composition. LP Lib., Priestley MSS., C 34.
2 Tawney, 24.
3 This statement is made after extensive work with surveys and
rentals still available and is only a rough estimate. See below the discussion
of enfranchisement.
4 LP Lib., TN/HX/B4/4. The amount of rent “betwext tenant and
tenant” per annum was given as £4000. This seems high for the rents of
seven hundred leaseholders in a year, even though town rents might well
have been very high.
262 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
In the Middle Ages, as well as in the early modern period,
the freeholder had more freedom to bequeath his land as he
wished than the copyholder, but he, like the copyholder, was in
many cases expected to attend the lord's court and his mills as
well as to pay a small rent each year.1 In spite of enfranchisement
in individual cases during the medieval period, the number of
freeholders continued to remain small in England well into the
early modern period. Professor Tawney has suggested that one-
fifth of the population of sixteenth century England consisted of
freeholders.2 This figure may not be high enough for the parish
of Halifax by the time of the Civil War, but it is impossible to
estimate the number, since rentals do not exist for every township
and the number of freeholders was far from constant during the
period 1558 to 1640. The fact that some freeholders were also
copyholders adds still further difficulties to any statistical evalua-
tion. However, one interesting survey is still extant from the
reign of Henry VIII in which an attempt was made to estimate
the number of free rents.3 Ten of Halifax’s twenty-five townships
were represented as follows: Stainland and Ovenden each with
sixteen names, Wadsworth with eleven names, Rishworth and
Norland with nine names, Skircoat and Shelf with ten names,
Barkisland with twenty-two names, Stansfield with four names,
and Langfield with thirteen names. These figures total one
hundred and one freeholders. Among the Shibden Hall manuscripts
several copies of rolls of the manorial courts held by the Saviles
provide later figures for two of these townships. In the Shelf
manorial roll for 1587 forty-one freeholders were presented,
while in 1615 some ninety-four freeholders have been noted for
Ovenden.4
The number of freeholders definitely increased during the
period of this study, for a movement toward enfranchisement was
under way. Enfranchisement usually meant that the copyholder
was made a freeholder and his land was made freehold land. To
possess enfranchised land meant that the owner could bequeath
it to his heir without question. The copyhold formula was ‘To
hold at the will of the lord according to the custom of the manor”.
In spite of his “copy”, the copyholder still remained to some
extent at the mercy of the lord, but the freeholder’s legal position
1 In a transcription of the Ovenden court rolls (SH, WCR/25) for 1615
twelve freeholders were excused from their suit to the mill because they held
land formerly held by the Order of St. John of Jerusalem.
2 Tawney, 24.
3 PRO, Special Commission 11/760.
4 See SH, WCR/25, 27. In the case of Shelf the proportion of free-
holders to the non-freeholders was forty-one to six. No type of tenure
except freehold tenure was mentioned in the Ovenden roll. From the Manor
Book of 1709 for the Wakefield Manor later statistics can be gained: there
was a total of five hundred and seventy-six names from the whole parish
of Halifax and of these two hundred and thirty-eight came from the town-
ships which appeared in the Henry VIII list. Charlesworth, ed., 10-14.
MANORIAL HISTORY OF HALIFAX PARISH
263
was unassailable.1 Besides the legal advantage, the freeholder’s
social status was much higher in the community than that of the
copyholder’s. There was a move by some Sowerby inhabitants to
secure enfranchisement in 1607 at the same time that the fixing of
fines was under royal consideration. The Breviate of Sowerby, a
recitation of the reasons why the inhabitants of Sowerby should
be given special favours, took the stand that the lord of the
Wakefield Manor should not only fix fines but also restore free
status.2 The investigation by the royal commission revealed that
the better sort of tenant wanted freedom and was willing to pay
“four-score yeare fyne” for it. The report stated that the in-
habitants were generally prosperous and that the granting of
their wishes would mean increased profit to the crown.3 James I
was probably more attracted by the monetary gain than by the
legality of the claim, but in any case he made agreements in
April, 1607, with seven men from Sowerby and seven from Hipper-
holme who agreed to pay a total of £545 for their enfranchisement.
The largest single payment amounted to £80.4
Perhaps the most sweeping enfranchisement took place in
the rectory manor of Halifax-Heptonstall. A draft of a petition
to Sir Arthur Ingram preserved in the Yorkshire Archaeological
Society Library reveals that the inhabitants of the manor re-
quested enfranchisement and the fixing of fines in much the
same way as the inhabitants of Sowerby had petitioned the
crown. A commission, sent to investigate the situation, decided
upon the following conditions for enfranchisement: five years
rent was to be paid if the land had been recently enclosed and
only four years rent if it was ancient copyhold. All those who
wanted to remain copyholders were to pay one and one-half
years rent for the fixing of fines. However, whether the land
remained copyhold or not, suit to the manor court and the water
corn and fulling mills on Halifax Brook had to be maintained.5
The rent values were to be assessed by a special commission and
the enfranchisement was to be made legal by the surrender of the
copyhold and by the writing of a new deed which included these
obligations.
In the Temple Newsam collection there is a group of
eighty-five enfranchisement deeds dating from 1609 to 1641. By
these deeds some ninety copyholders of the manor of Halifax
received their freedom. Although the original petition to Ingram
appears to have come from the inhabitants not only of Halifax
but also of Heptonstall, only three or four of the deeds were
1 Tawney, 34; and Sir Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland,
The History of English Law (Cambridge, England, 1911), I, 357, 403, 427.
2 LP Lib., TN/HX/E, fol. 3.
3 PRO, SPD, v. 37, nos. 106-107.
4 Ibid., DL, R and S 43/11/23.
5 YAS Lib., Foster-Greenwood MSS., DD 99/FI.
264 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
concerned with land in the latter township.1 The greatest amount
of enfranchising appears to have been done in August, 1609,
when forty-three of these deeds were written.2 A few people paid
in shillings for their deeds, but the majority paid considerations
ranging from £5 to £100, and a few paid as much as £200. There
is evidence that Ingram may have demanded higher sums for
enfranchisement than some of the inhabitants wanted to pay.
According to the testimony given in a suit in the court of Chancery
in 1610, Sir Arthur Ingram had refused the plaintiff's offer of a
reasonable sum and had demanded a much higher amount on the
grounds that the plaintiff held his land illegally since it had been
enclosed from the moors.3 Although Sir Arthur admitted that six
years rent was being charged in some cases instead of the five
years rent which had been initially agreed upon, he stated that
no one had objected to this arrangement until the plaintiff,
Richard Lawe, complained. There is evidence of further trouble
in a letter written to Ingram by one of his agents in 1636. The
agent wrote that two of the copyholders wanted enfranchisement,
but that they would not pay the amount of money he was asking
since they felt it was too high.4 However, the fixing of fines
and enfranchisement was, no doubt, greatly appreciated by the
copyhold tenants despite certain difficulties, for it added to
their privileges.
1 It is interesting to note in this connection that on November 10,
1657, some arrangements appear to have been made for enfranchisement and
fixing fines in the Heptonstall manor by Sir George Savile, who was then
the lord of the manor. RA MSS., Parcel No. 7, Serial No. 1/7/6. There is
no mention in this draft for the enfranchisement and fixing of fines of any
previous arrangement which had been made for the inhabitants of Hepton-
stall. Perhaps few availed themselves of Ingram's offer or perhaps he did
not press it upon the township of Heptonstall.
2 This set of deeds in Leeds appears to be incomplete, for one more
enfranchisement deed, dating from 1622, was discovered in the Cartwright
Memorial Hall in Bradford. Horton MSS., Series B/92. Furthermore,
there is another document in the Temple Newsam collection itself which
seems to indicate many more enfranchisements. LP Lib., TN/HX/B4/3.
This document was probably drawn up from bundles of deeds, since the names
listed on it are grouped under the headings of three bundles. Although it
was undated its title, “A perticuler of the rents and Alienation fines reserved
in the Enfranchisements," reveals that in all probability it was drawn up
sometime during the first half of the seventeenth century. One hundred
and seventy-one names appear on this list not including the last entry,
‘‘Barraclough Almeshouses," It is possible that this document was drawn
up in expectation of the enfranchisement, but it is equally possible that
this represents the number of enfranchisements by the time of the Civil
War. It is possible that a large majority of the copyholders had been
enfranchised by the time of the Civil War, at least in Halifax township.
3 As cited by Lister, “History of Shibden Hall,” THAS (1917), 74.
Ingram may have been arguing on the grounds that enclosed land from
the moors could not have been customary land, and that the plaintiff's
land was held ad voluntatem and not by copy with the result that Ingram
could have asked more money.
* LP Lib., TN/HX/D/8.
265
COTTINGHAM CHURCH
AND ITS HERALDRY
By A. S. Harvey.
The Parish Church of St. Mary the Virgin at Cottingham
in the East Riding had formerly an extensive collection of 14th
century heraldic shields, remarkable for their association with
King Edward III and his family, and with a number of the great
lords of his reign.
Dodsworth,1 the antiquary, visited Cottingham Church in
1620, and De la Pryme,2 the Hull diarist, in 1700. In the chancel
Dodsworth noticed three royal shields in the east window and
Pryme seven, described by him as “great shields’'. In the 24
lights of the eight side windows, Dodsworth recorded 18 14th
century shields, none of which was found there by Pryme, who
described two 15th century shields not noticed by Dodsworth.3
In addition, Pryme found 16 shields carved in wood under the
choir stalls, and a further series of eight shields, temp. Henry VII,
painted in the chancel roof. There is reason to believe that the
whole collection originally numbered no fewer than 74 shields,
none of which however now survives.4
Having regard to the royal shields in the east window, the
14th century arms in the side windows of the chancel have been
described as “those of the great barons of Edward Ill’s reign”.5
Of this latter series, Dodsworth names the families represented
by the arms, without attributing them to particular individuals.
No precise date has been ascribed to the armorial glass itself, nor
to the arms on the stalls described by Pryme.
The purpose of this paper is to consider the arms in relation
to the complete rebuilding of the Parish Church in the 14th century,
and to the great lords of Cottingham during that period, and in
the 15th and the early 16th century.
It is safe to assume that the chancel windows at Cottingham,
and perhaps the chancel itself, were designed to commemorate
1 Roger Dodsworth’s Yorkshire Church Notes, Edited by J. W. Clay,
1904. (Yorks. Arch. Soc., Rec. Series, Vol. 34, p. 200).
2 Abraham de la Pryme — Diary. (Surtees Society, Vol. 54, p. 231).
3 It would seem that Dodsworth failed to record the four Tudor
royal shields and the two 15th century shields, later seen by Pryme, owing
to difficulties of identification (see pp. 273-292). For a similar reason he
may have excluded further shields possibly then in the side windows (see
p. 269). The heraldic glass was perhaps removed when the chancel under-
went “a thorough repair” prior to 1797. Gentleman’s Magazine, LXVII,
II, 1001.
4 Glover’s Visitations of Yorkshire, 1584-5. (J. Foster, 1875) makes
no mention of Cottingham Church.
5 Yorks. Arch. Journal, XXVI, 110,
266 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
the personages represented by the heraldic shields in the windows.
The seven lights in the east window held the royal shields of
Edward III and his family. The remaining 18 shields of which
we have a clear record relate to military commanders and others
associated with the Black Prince.
The chancel window shields in general belong to the last
years of the Black Prince’s life, 1372-1376. In the east window the
shield of John of Gaunt (p. 274, No. 5) would not be earlier than
1372 when Gaunt became King of Castile and Leon. In the side
windows the shield of Dreux (p. 276, No. 3) also would be no
earlier than 1372 when he became Earl of Richmond. Neville’s
shield (No. 14), where he is referred to as “echevesque”, cannot
be earlier than 1374, when Alexander Neville became Archbishop
of York. On the other hand, the references to Mowbray and
Percy, described as “dominus” and “sieur” respectively, would
not be later than 1377, when these lords were made earls and
would thereafter be described, as in the case of FitzAlan, Monta-
cute and others, as “conte”.
The Cottingham Lordship
The lordship of Cottingham was granted to the Norman-
French family of Stuteville (or Estouteville) before the year 1106,
and held by them together with the honour of Liddell in Cumber-
land (from c. 1174)1 till the death of Joan de Stuteville in 1272.
Daughter and heiress of Nicholas de Stuteville, Joan had married
Hugh Wake, Lord of Bourne and Deeping, in Lincolnshire. Their
son and heir, Baldwin Wake, thus inherited Cottingham lordship
and the other extensive estates of the two families.
Baldwin Wake was succeeded by his son John, 1st Lord
Wake of Cottingham, who died in 1300, leaving a son Thomas,
2nd Lord Wake, then two years of age, and a daughter Margaret.
Through Thomas, Lord Wake and his sister, the Wakes of Cotting-
ham were linked by marriage with the royal Plantagenets. Before
1317, Thomas had married Blanche, daughter of Henry Planta-
genet, Earl of Lancaster. It was at the request of Lancaster that
Thomas, although still a minor, had livery of his lands from the
Crown in 1317. Margaret his sister married in 1325 Edmund
Plantagenet, Earl of Kent,2 son of Edward I and Queen Margaret.3
Lord Wake is referred to in grants made by Edward II as
‘The King’s kinsman”. In the early years of Edward Ill’s reign
he served on the Council of Regency. Wake died in May 1349,
and was succeeded by his sister Margaret, Lady Wake, Countess
of Kent, who died the following September. Her son and heir,
1 ed. C. T. Clay, Stuteville Fee, (Yorks. Arch. Soc. Rec. Series, Extra
Series, Vol. VII, 1952), p. 1, 13.
2 The Earls of Lancaster and Kent were present at Cottingham as
witnesses to Lord Wake’s Foundation Charter of Haltemprice Priory in 1326.
3 J. W. Clay, Extinct and Dormant Peerages of the Northern Counties
of England, 229.
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
267
John Plantagenet, Earl of Kent, held the estates of Wake and
Kent for three years and was followed by his sister, Joan, “the
Fair Maid of Kent,” Countess of Kent, in her own right.
Joan Plantagenet made two early contracts of marriage (1)
with Sir Thomas de Holand K.G. and (2) with Sir William Monta-
cute K.G., Earl of Salisbury. The latter contract was annulled
by papal bull, and the earlier contract with Holand re-established
in October 1349. Holand died in December 1360 and Joan married
her cousin, Edward the Black Prince on 10 October 1361. 1
Holand held Cottingham and the Earldom of Kent as of
the inheritance of his wife, from 1352 to 1360; for the greater
part of this time he was on active service in France where he
died in 1360.
Cottingham was in the Black Prince’s hands from his
marriage in 1361 until his death in 1376, his steward at Cottingham
having charge of all the Prince’s lands in Yorkshire. During the
period 1361-65 the Prince’s orders relating to Cottingham, made
by advice of his council are recorded in his Register.2
The Prince’s personal interest in the lordship is suggested
by certain orders made before his departure for Aquitaine. For
instance, in 1362 it was ordered that his wife’s demesne lands at
Cottingham, formerly leased at farm, were to be cultivated by
the Prince himself, and the manor stocked with beasts and servants
accordingly. At the same time a valuable stud of destriers (war
horses) was established at Cottingham, the responsibility for
these “great horses” of the Prince being vested in Sir Robert
Neville (see p. 283).
Some indication that the Prince may have proposed to visit
Yorkshire on his return to England is suggested by orders made
in 1363-64 that the parks at both Cottingham and Kirby Moorside
were to be enlarged, and deer-leaps made at Cottingham.3 The
following year there is mention of Sir Ralph Paynel as Surveyor
of the Prince’s Game in Yorkshire.
On the death of the Princess in 1385, 4 her estates passed to
1 On the 16 October 1361 Sir John de Meaux gave the manor of
Willerby (part of the lordship of Cottingham) to Haltemprice Priory for
the celebration of divine offices for himself and his family and for “Joan,
Countess of Kent, his friend and benefactress”. (East Riding Antiq. Soc.
Trans., XVIII, 8).
2 The Black Prince’s Register, Vol. IV (1361-1365) contains many
orders of the Prince relating to Cottingham and other estates of the Princess.
From time to time the Prince’s orders were authenticated by his sign-
manuel, “Houmout”. During the absence of the Prince, Sir John Wingfield
acted as “Governor of the Prince’s business”, (see p. 289).
3 Compare the action of Edward I who ordered his parks at Burstwick
in Holderness to be enlarged before his long stay there of ten weeks, in
1304. It is, however, improbable that the Black Prince actually visited
Yorkshire after his marriage.
4 In her will Joan chose to be buried with her first husband in the
newly-built church of the Grey Friars founded by him at Stamford.
268
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
her son Thomas de Holand1 and from him to his sons Thomas
and Edmund, all three being Knights of the Garter and successively
Earls of Kent.
After the death of the last Lord Holand, Earl of Kent, in
1408, Cottingham was divided among his four sisters, who had
married respectively —
(1) Cherleton, Lord Powis.
(2) Beaufort, Earl of Somerset (whose granddaughter married
Edmund Tudor, Earl of Richmond).
(3) Montacute, Earl of Salisbury.
(4) Neville, son and heir of the Earl of Westmorland.
In course of time, the four parts of the lordship became
known as Cottingham Powis, Cottingham Richmond, Cottingham
Sarum and Cottingham Westmorland. Cottingham Richmond
passed from Edmund Tudor to his son Henry VII. Cottingham
Sarum descended through the heiresses Alice Montacute and Anne
Neville to Richard III, on whose death in 1485 it fell to the Crown
(see p. 293).
Cottingham Church in the Fourteenth Century
Except for the upper part of the tower, Cottingham Church
was entirely rebuilt as a cruciform church in the 14th century.
The nave with aisles is in late curvilinear style, dating from the
second quarter of the century: the chancel is early perpendicular
work, its completion dating from c. 1370. Work on the tower
and transepts, begun in the earlier period, c. 1330, was interrupted
until work on the chancel began over thirty years later.
It is probable that the interruption of work on the church
was due primarily to the insecurity of the tower piers, which were
eventually strengthened and the arches underbuilt when the
chancel was erected2 and the transepts completed.
The early work on the church must be attributed to Thomas,
Lord Wake, whose growing debts after 13303 may have contributed
to the suspension of building operations. The Cottingham estate
decreased in value at the time of the Black Death and on the
death of Wake in May 1349, the capital messuage at Cottingham
1 Sir Thomas de Holand, 2nd (Holand) Earl of Kent, a godson of the
Black Prince is repeatedly referred to as "the Prince’s son". On the marriage
of Holand in 1366, the Prince demanded 4,000 marks from FitzAlan, Earl
of Arundel, as dowry. B.P. Regr. IV, 558. (see p. 281).
2 The same masons’ marks appear in the reinforced arches of the
tower as in the chancel. (Cottingham Local History Society’s Journal
(March 1957), No. 30 Masons’ Marks.)
3 Following Wake’s part in the rebellion of 1328, the great lordship of
Cottingham was taken into the King’s hand. From 1330, many loans were
raised by Wake on the security of his lands at Cottingham and Buttercrambe.
(Cal. Close Rolls, 1327-30, 437, 529, &c.).
DESCENT OF COTTINGHAM LORDSHIP
(1) Stuteville and Wake
Robert de Stuteville, c. 1 100.
i
i
i
Nicholas de Stuteville, d. 1233.
Joan de Stuteville, d. 1276,
= Hugh Wake, Lord of Deeping, d. 1241.
Baldwin Wake of Cottingham, d. 1282.
John Wake, 1st Lord Wake of Liddell, d. 1300.
[ Thomas Wake, 2nd Lord Wake,
: b. 1298, d. s.p. 1349,
:[= Blanche dau. of Henry Plantagenet
j Earl of Lancaster, d. 1380.
Margaret, Lady Wake,
Countess of Kent, d. 1349,
= Edmund Plantagenet of Woodstock
cr. Earl of Kent, 1321, d. 1330.
John Plantagenet,
Lord Wake and Earl of Kent,
b. 1330, d. s.p. 1352,
= Elizabeth, dau. of the
Duke of Juliers.
Joan Plantagenet,
Lady Wake and Countess of Kent,
b. 1328, d. 1385, , ,
(1) Sir Thomas de Holand, d. 1360, (2) Edward the
v Black Prince,
d. 1376
Richard II.
(2) Holand, Earl of Kent.
Sir Thomas de Holand, K.G., =Joan Plantagenet, Lady Wake, Countess of Kent,
assumed the title Earl of Kent
in right of his wife. |
Sir Thomas de Holand, K.G., Lord Wake and 2nd Earl of Kent, d. 1397
= Alice, dau. of Richard FitzAlan, 5th Earl of Arundel.
Thomas de Holand, K.G.,
Lord Wake and 3rd Earl of Kent,
d. s.p. 1400.
Edmund de Holand, K.G.,
Lord Wake and 4th Earl of Kent,
A 1408.
Maud=
Sir Hugh Courtenay,
Lord Courtenay.
Joan=
John de Dreux,
Earl of Richmond.
Joan, d. s.p.
= Edmund
Duke of York.
Eleanor, Margaret,
= Edward Cherleton, = John Beaufort,
5th Lord Powis. Earl of Somerset.
John Beaufort,
Duke of Somerset.
Margaret Beaufort,
= Edmund Tudor,
Earl of Richmond
(1453)
Henry VII (1485),
b. 1456,
d. 1509.
Eleanor,
= Thomas Montacute,
Earl of Salisbury.
Alice Montacute,
= Richard Neville (1),
Earl of Salisbury.
Richard Neville (2),
Earl of Warwick and
Salisbury,
= Anne Beauchamp.
Elizabeth,
= Sir John Neville,
son of Ralph
Neville,
1st Earl of
Westmorland.
Anne Neville, d. 1485.
Richard III, d. 1485.
J
1
5
<
i
V -T
1 4 !l
' \
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
269
was said to be “in a ruinous condition”.1 Pryme refers to “many
chanterys in the inside (of the Parish Church) totally ruin’d in
the Reformation ... in which were many monuments of the
Estotevils, de la Wakes, and others, of which not the least frag-
ment is now to be seen.” (Diary, p. 228). No record has survived
of the founding of any chantry in the Parish Church nor of any
burial there of any member of the Stuteville or Wake families, or
of their successors the Holands.2
The chancel of Cottingham church was erected during the
incumbency of Nicholas de Luda and within the years when the
Black Prince held the lordship in his wife’s behalf (see p. 267).
Built of Tadcaster stone, the chancel is spacious and lofty, but
without aisles. It is well lighted by four windows on either side,
each of three lights, and an east window of seven lights.3 The
windows were probably designed expressly to hold the two series
of 14th century heraldic shields recorded by Dodsworth and
Pryme in the 17th century, viz. the seven royal shields in the
east window and the 18 (? originally 24) shields of the Black
Prince’s contemporaries in the 24 lights of the side windows.4
There is reason to believe that the chancel would be designed
to accommodate a small college of chaplains. Pryme found in
the year 1700 16 seats on either side of the choir, which he regarded
as the prebendal stalls of 32 canons, and seven further stalls
against the south wall (see p. 284). 5 His reference to the entrance
from the nave “by a door” suggests that a solid screen had
perhaps been erected to separate a projected collegiate chancel
1 Cal. Inq. p. m. IX, 201, 233.
2 The parish gilds at Cottingham probably maintained a parochial
chaplain at one of the transept altars. There is mention of John de Aclam,
chaplain in 1332, and Richard de Melton, chaplain of Cottingham in 1390.
3 The width of each light in the side windows is two feet, and in the
east window one foot eight inches.
4 The Cottingham windows may be compared with those in the
chancel of St. George’s Church, Stamford, built between 1420 and 1449 by
Sir William Bruges, first Garter King of Arms. The six side windows at St.
George’s, each of four lights, were designed to take the portraits and arms
of King Edward III and the Founder Knights of the Order of the Garter.
Cottingham chancel may well have served as the prototype for this later
Garter memorial chapel at Stamford. It is perhaps significant that Joan
Plantagenet, Lady of Cottingham, had been buried only a few years earlier
at the Franciscan Friary, near to St. George’s Church, Stamford. V.C.H.
Lines., II, 228. (W. A. Rees-Jones, Saint George, the Order of St. George, and
the Church of St. George in Stamford, p. 56, Plate XVII.)
5 It seems highly improbable that a college of secular canons involving
the endowment of as many as 32 prebends can ever have been contemplated
for such a small church as Cottingham. Licences in mortmain were granted
for the foundation in the East Riding of a small college at Lowthorpe in
1333 and one at Sutton-on-Hull in 1346, in each case for six chaplains.
(Cal. Pat. Rolls 1330-34, 413, 426; 1345-48, 45). At Lowthorpe it was
ordained that “the priests (of the college) shall each have his seat in the
choir.’’ The seven stalls on the south side at Cottingham may possibly
have been intended for six chaplains and a rector or warden.
270
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
from the parish church proper, an arrangement not uncommon in
14th century collegiate foundations.1
The introduction of stalls with heraldic shields probably
took place in the earlier years of de Luda’s incumbency. The
work of rebuilding the chancel would follow rather later (see p.
286). 2 The insertion of heraldic shields in the windows would be
carried out after the Prince’s return from Aquitaine, and probably
in 1374. It seems unlikely that the shields would have been
placed in the church except with the consent of the Black Prince,
but there is no available evidence of any plan for the endowment
of a chantry foundation by him or his widow at Cottingham church.3
For the north of England, the chancel at Cottingham exhibits
unusually early work in the perpendicular style, and would
probably be designed by one of the pioneers of the style in the
south of England. The designer may possibly have been Henry
Yevele who became the Black Prince’s “mason” in 1358, when
he contracted to build certain walls, &c., at the Prince’s manor
house at Kennington.4 He was working for the Prince between
October 1360 and August 1362, 5 the period when his earliest
work in the new style appeared at Layer Marney and Westminster
Abbey.6
The exterior of the 14th century chancel as it appears
today was not completed by de Luda. Glynne noted in 1857 —
“Intended pinnacles on the (eight) buttresses were never finished,
and the east gable not quite complete There are no sedilia,
1 Note. 1. In 1797, "the body (nave) of Cottingham church was
separated from the other parts by ceilings” (sic.). (Gentle-
man’s Magazine, LXVII, II, 1001).
In 1841, "the chancel was clean cut off from the rest of the
church by a glass door.’’ ( Historical Notes on the Parish
Church of Cottingham, W. Sykes, 1928).
2. In 1857, Sir Stephen Glynne found the view "down the
church entirely uninterrupted’’. His statement seems to
imply that the "complete internal restoration’’ of the
church in 1845 (Overton, History of Cottingham, 36) involved
the removal of an obstructing screen. Glynne also found the
chancel "stalled” on the same visit. The stalls have since
disappeared. ( Notes on Yorkshire Churches, Yorks. Arch.
Journal, XV, 490).
2 In the early years of his incumbency, de Luda was much occupied
at the Exchequer and abroad (see App. I).
3 The Prince had returned from Aquitaine in 1371, with his exchequer
impoverished and his health shattered.
4 J. H. Harvey, Henry Yevele, pp. 22, 80.
5 B. P. Regr. IV, 476.
It has been suggested that Yevele designed both the Prince’s chantry
chapel and the Prince’s tomb at Canterbury Cathedral.
6 Antiquaries Journal, XXVII, 51.
Note. The parish church of Edington, in Wiltshire, built between 1352
and 1361 is considered a landmark in the perpendicular style. The Black
Prince had some knowledge of this church, since he persuaded Bishop
Edington, its builder, to appropriate it to the Prince’s favourite Order of
Bonshommes.
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
271
which is strange in so fine a church/’1 The pinnacles were in
fact added to the buttresses and the east gable completed later in
the 19th century.
The Chancel Builder
According to two contemporary inscriptions (both recorded
by Dodsworth) the chancel of Cottingham Church was built by
Nicholas de Luda, Rector of the Church from 1362 to 1383. An
inscription formerly in the east window read “Orate pro anima
Domini Nicholai de Louth, rectoris hujus Ecclesie, qui istud
cancellum fieri fecit anno Domini mccclxxiiiT’.2
If Dodsworth’s reading of the date is correct, then probably
de Luda placed this inscription in the window together with his
shield of arms on completion of the chancel in 1374. The other
heraldic shields in the chancel windows would be inserted about
the same time (see p. 266). The second inscription, on de Luda’s
brass in the chancel refers to him as its “factor and erector” (see
below).
Dodsworth found de Luda’s arms on his brass and in the
east window.3
On the brass — “Sable a wolfe rampant or, in the sinister part
of the shield a cross crosslet f itchy or (Louth) . ’ ’4
In the east window — “A man in a gowne, kneeling, over his
head, sa. a wolfe rampant and a cross
crosslet fitchy or” followed by the
above inscription and the date 1374. 5
Nicholas de Luda was presented to John, (Thoresby) Arch-
bishop of York by command of Edward the Black Prince for
institution as rector of the Parish Church of Cottingham on May
7, 1362. His appointment to Cottingham was made on the in-
formation of two prominent members of the Black Prince’s
entourage, Sir Nicholas de Louveigne of Penshurst, the Prince’s
bachelor, and Sir Robert de Walsham, the Prince’s clerk.6
De Luda was instituted by proxy on May 16, when he is
referred to as capellanus.7 His estate as parson of the Church
was ratified by Letters Patent on June 3, 1362. 8
At the time of his appointment to Cottingham, de Luda
was “canon of the Church of Arras (France) and Prebendary of
the prebend which Aymo de Confalento lately held therein.” His
1 Yorks. Arch. Journal, XV, 490.
2 Yorks. Arch. Soc., Rec. Series, XXXIV, 200.
3 Pryme makes no mention of de Luda’s arms in either place.
4 Burke’s General Armory gives for Louth (co. Lines.)
“Or a wolf sable armed gules.”
The cross crosslet serves as a difference for an ecclesiastic.
5 Yorks. Arch. Journal, XXVI, 110.
6 See Appendix I.
7 Thoresby Reg., f. 206. Note. Overton (p. 45) styles de Luda in-
correctly as “a capuchin friar”.
8 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1361-64, 218.
272 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
institution to Cottingham was made on an exchange of benefices
with Egidius de Treas (Giles of Troyes) called de Aula.1 The
exchanged benefice would probably be de Luda’s benefice at
Arras, since in 1363 he is referred to as a prebendary of Salisbury
and St. Asaph without any further mention of Arras.2
On July 24, 1364, he was granted the prebend at the Altar
of St. Katherine in the collegiate church of St. John at Beverley,
for which he had obtained Papal authority by April 22, 1363.3
De Luda’s tomb, covered by a black marble slab, inlaid with
a brass, stands to the north of the High Altar in Cottingham
church. The brass bears a lengthy inscription in Latin verse which
describes him as rector of the church and its founder and builder.
“Hujus erat rector domus hie Nicholaus humatus,
Factor et erector de Luda queso beatus
Prebendas isti Beverlaci quoque Sarum
Obiit VI die mensis Junii anno Domini Millesimo ccclxxxiii.”4
The Latin inscription goes on to praise him as one who
Ted the hungry, clothed the naked, kindly helped the poor and
reconciled contending neighbours.'5
The brass shows an ecclesiastic under a canopy, wearing a
cope and vested in an alb and the almuce of a canon, with the
Latin inscription in the margin.6 On the dexter shaft of the
canopy appears the date 1383. 7
The Heraldry
East window
In addition to the arms of de Luda, the rector, Dodsworth8
records three royal shields “in the Est window”. Pryme8 des-
1 B. P. Regr., IV, 434.
2 Cal. Pap. Regrs., I, 415, 489, 492.
3 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1364-67, 8.
4 Yorkshire Arch. Soc., Rec. Series, XXXIV, 200;
Yorks. Arch. Journal, XII, 206.
De Luda’s successor at Cottingham was instituted 20 June, 1384.
5 For possible translations of the complete inscription see —
Overton, op. cit., 22.
C. G. R. Birch, Yorks. Arch. Journal, XIV, 508.
6 This effigy of de Luda has been described as one of “a number of
figures of priests of about the date 1370 which, from the drawing of the
lines of the face, the shape of the head, and the treatment of the hair look
as though they were all from one workshop.” (A. C. Bouquet, Church
Brasses, 26).
We know from his will that Henry Yevele, ‘‘The Prince’s mason”
sometimes designed brasses. (J. H. Harvey, A Dictionary of Medieval
Architects, 28). It may well be therefore that Yevele designed both the
chancel which de Luda founded and the brass which commemorates him.
7 The brass was probably much worn by 1855 and was then extensively
restored, missing words of the inscription being replaced from Dodsworth’s
notes, but the arms are not now visible. (Overton, op. cit. 22).
8 For references to Dodsworth and Pryme on pages 272 to 295, see
p. 265, f.n. 1 & 2.
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
273
cribes the same three shields and mentions a further four. Shields
Nos. 3, 4, 6 & 7 were recorded by Pryme in a marginal note without
identification. Nos. 3 to 6 were not recorded by Dodsworth,
probably because the arms were already not clearly identifiable.
It may be assumed that the seven shields appeared in the seven
lights of the window1 and that they were contemporary, dating
from c. 1374 (see p. 266).
Fig. 1.
Arms of Edward the Black Prince and Joan, Countess of Kent.
1. England a border arg. (Dodsworth).
Sable2 within a bordure arg. three lions passant guardant or,
for Woodstock. (Pryme).
1 The numbers are assumed to read from north to south. Having
regard to Pryme’s notes, Nos. 2, 3, and 5 to 7 are assigned to the surviving
sons of Edward III in order of seniority ,and No. 4 to the King (see p. 275).
2 This should read "gules”. Pryme explains that it is very common
for gules to become sable through age (see also Nos. 3 to 7).
274
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
This shield must be assigned to Joan Plant agenet, Lady
Wake of Cottingham, and Countess of Kent in her own right
(1352), Princess of Wales (1361 J,1 whose arms were impaled with
those of her husband, Edward Prince of Wales in shield No. 2.
It is most improbable that the shield is earlier than 1361: it
probably dates from the completion of the chancel in 1374.
The same arms had previously been borne in succession by
two Earls of Kent (Woodstock), viz. the father and the brother
of Joan Plantagenet, as follows —
(1) Edmund Plantagenet,2 2nd son of Edward I and Queen
Margaret, cr. Earl of Kent, 1321, d. 1330; married
Margaret, Lady Wake, sister and heiress of Thomas
Lord Wake, d. 1349.
(2) John Plantagenet, Lord Wake and Earl of Kent (1349-
1352), son of Edmund Plantagenet (see p. 267).
2. Dodsworth records —
“Quarterly, France and England, a label of three points ar.,
paled with England a border ar.”
Pryme records —
“A fret with the former three lions3 which belonged to a
woman and heiress empareld or quartered with it.”
By the term “fret” Pryme means “a fret azure semee de
lis” (see below, No. 3, &c.) which appears in the first and fourth
quarters of the arms assumed by Edward III in 1340. The label
of three points argent indicates Edward the Black Prince, eldest
son of Edward III, b. 1330, m. 1361, d. 1376. The impalement
indicates his wife Joan Plantagenet, Princess of Wales (1361 -
1385) (see No. 1).
5. Pryme describes this shield as follows —
“Quarterly, first and fourth grand quarterly, first and
fourth sable , a tower or, second and third arg., a lion rampant
sable, second and third a fret semee-de-lis.4 The armes of
the family of Towars.”5
These arms are undoubtedly those of John of Gaunt, assumed
when he became King of Castile and Leon, on his marriage with
Constance, daughter and heiress of Pedro the Cruel in 1372.
Pryme’s description shows that John of Gaunt in the first
instance quartered the arms of Castile and Leon with those of
1 The arms of Kent and of Wake are said to have appeared on “a bed
of the Prince'’, together with "a White Hart in the centre of a circle”.
Archaeologia, XXXI, 364.
2 Shield No. 1 is unjustifiably attributed to him in Yorks. Arch. Soc.,
Rec. Series, XXXIV, 200, f.n. 2. '
3 In reference to No. 1.
4 See Nos. 3, 4, &c.
5 This assignment is purely conjecture on the part of Pryme. He
refers in a footnote to a Leeds family of that name, c. 1690, but makes no
attempt to explain the quarterings.
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
275
France Ancient and England. In 1386 Gaunt impaled the two
coats as follows —
Quarterly 1 & 4 Gules, a castle triple-towered or, Castile.
2 & 3 Arg. a lion rampant gules, Leon.
Impaling quarterly 1 & 4 Azure semee of fleurs de lis or,
France, 2 & 3 Gules, three lions passant in pale, or, England.
A label of three points ermine.1
7. Quarterly, France and England, a border ar. (Dodsworth).2
This coat is clearly that of Thomas Plantagenet, of Wood-
stock, youngest son of Edward III; K.G. (1380), Earl of Bucking-
ham (1377), Duke of Gloucester (1385), Constable of England from
1376 to 1397.
3, 4, 6 & 7. Pryme describes 3 & 4 as “Quarterly, first and fourth
or a fret azure semee-de-lis, second and third or
three bars sable.”
These arms must be Quarterly France Ancient and England
(see No. 2). The metal “or” in quarters 1 & 4 describes the fleurs
de lis; the “three bars sable” in quarters 2 & 3 are an obvious
misreading of Gules three lions passant guardant or (see p. 273,
n. 2).
Under 6 & 7 Pryme notes “two more frets as 3 & 4”. One
of these shields (No. 7, see above) is correctly described by Dods-
worth who makes no mention of Nos. 3, 4 & 6.
Apart from the King, the arms France Ancient quartered
with England could be borne between 1340 and 1376 only by the
King’s five surviving sons.3 The arms of the four elder sons
would be differenced by a label of three points, noted in the case
of No. 2 by Dodsworth.4 The labels on the shields of the next
three sons were probably not identifiable by Pryme. The arms
of the youngest son (No. 7) were differenced by a bordure, as
mentioned by Dodsworth, but not by Pryme.
If we assume that the arms of the King occupied the centre
light, then, shields 1 to 7 can be assigned as follows —
1. Joan, Princess of Wales, Countess of Kent, Lady of the
Society of the Garter (in or before 1378). 5 b. 1328, d. 1385.
2. Edward, Prince of Wales, K.G. (Knight Founder).
b. 1330, d. 1376 (June 8)
3. Lionel, Duke of Clarence, K.G. (1361). 6 b. 1338, d. 1368
1 Sir Harris Nicolas, Scrope and Grosvenor Roll, II, 165.
2 Editor’s f.n. to Dodsworth incorrectly assigns this shield to the
Earl of Kent.
3 William of Hatfield, 2nd son of Edward III, d. 1342.
4 For the labels appropriate to Nos. 2, 3, 5 & 6, see Boutell, Heraldry,
(1864), p. 236-41, PI. XXXIV.
5 Nicolas, History of the Orders of British Knighthood, II, LXXVII.
6 See Complete Peerage, G.E.C., Vol. II, App. B, p. 527 (Appointments
to the Garter).
276
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
4. King Edward III, K.G. (Sovereign Founder).
d. 1377 (June 21)
5. John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, K.G. (1361).
b. 1340, d. 1399
6. Edmund of Langley, Duke of York, K.G. (1361).
b. 1341, d. 1402
7. Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester,1 K.G. (1380).
b. 1355, d. 1397
It may be assumed that the series of royal shields2 seen by
Pryme occupied the lower part of the seven lights, since Pryme
reported “In the east window is a great deal of painted glass
containing the representations of Moses, David, Solomon and
Christ and his apostles, very well done, but somewhat defaced/’3
Since Pryme did not mention the arms of de Luda it seems
probable that these had been removed to make way for the
painted glass referred to.
The Choir Windows
Dodsworth, in 1620, records “in windowes round about the
quyer” the arms with designations of ten 14th century English
earls, five knights, and Alexander Neville, Archbishop of York.
In addition, he records the inscriptions for the two Lords, Mowbray
and Roos, but not their arms.4
The shields generally seem to have been clearly decipherable.
In the case of Richmond and Percy, and possibly in the case of
Neville, the shields were either defective or incorrectly read, as
noted below (see p. 279). In some cases, the designation of the
bearer has evidently been completed by Dodsworth, as justified
by the arms.
Dodsworth records as follows —
1. Dominus de Mowbray.
2 — Dominus de Roos.
3. Checqui az. and or a canton erm. a border gu. semi de
lions passant. — Le Conte de Richmont.
4. Quarterly, gu. a lyon rampant or, second checqui. —
Conte de Arondale.
5. Quarterly, Valence and Hastinges. — Conte de Pembrok.
1 Thomas, the youngest son was the only one of Edward’s sons not
admitted to the Order of the Garter until after the King’s death.
2 For other series of the arms of Edward III grouped with those of
his children, see Appendix II.
3 This glass, together with the royal shields has all disappeared.
Modern stained glass by Capronnier of Brussels, with modern shields and
inscriptions in panels at the base, was placed in the window in the 19th
century.
4 Two further shields, mentioned but not precisely identified by
Pryme are not related to this series (see p. 292).
1 ord
MOWBRAY
Kart of
SALISBURY
Sir Edward k
DF. SPENSER
I ord
RODS
Earl of
SUFFOLK
Atthfebliop Alexander
NEYIU
Earl of
RICHMOND
Earl of
STAFFORD
Sir Heory de
PERCY
Plate I. Arms of the Black Prince’s Companions (i).
Far I of
A R UN DIE I -
Far! of
PEMBROKE
Fart of
W A R WICK
Far! of
OXFORD
Fart of
DEVON
Earl of
ANGUS
Sir William do
LATIMER
Sir Hugh de
SEAGRAVE
Plate II.
Arms of the Black Prince’s Companions (ii).
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
277
6. Gu. a fesse entre 6 cross crosslets or.— Conte de Warwick.
7. Ar. 3 fusells in fesse gu.— Le Conte de Sarum.
8. Sa. a cross engrailed or. — (Le Conte de) Suffolk.
9. Or, a chevron gu. — (Le Conte de) Stafford.
10. Quarterly, gu. and or a mullet ar. — (Le Conte de)
Oxenford.
11. Or, 3 torteaux a label of three points az. — Le Conte de
Devonshire.
12. Gu. a cinquefoil and 8 cross crosslets in orle or. — Le
(Conte) de Angus.
13. Quarterly, ar. and gu. in the 2 and 3 quarters a fret or,
a bend sa. — Le Sieur de Spencer.
14. Gu. on a saltire ar. a crescent sa. — Le Echevesque a
Nevil.
15. A lyon ar. — Le Sieur de Percy.
16. Gu. a saltire erm. — Le Sieur de Nevil.
17. Gu. a cross patonce or. — Le Sieur de Latymer.
18. Sa. (a) lyon rampant ar. crowned or a bend gu.— Le
Sieur de Segrave.
It seems probable that the shields in the chancel windows
were designed to commemorate the family and the companions of
the Black Prince1 and in particular those who had taken part in
the French campaigns of 1346 onwards and in the Scottish cam-
paign of 1346.
Of the royal family commemorated in the east window,
King Edward III, and the Black Prince alone of his sons took
part in the campaign of Crecy and Calais, the Prince having been
knighted at La Hogue on 12 July, 1346;2 John Plantagenet, Earl
of Kent, the young Lord Wake served at Calais.3
1 The term ‘companions’, in relation to friends of the King and the
Prince of Wales was in use at the time of Edward I’s Scottish campaign of
1304. (Yorks. Arch. Journal XXXVIII, 522).
For two series of heraldic shields commemorating the Black Prince
and his contemporaries, see App. 11(2).
Note. — Biographical details in this paper on the armorial families
represented in the Cottingham shields are based on —
J. W. Clay, Extinct and Dormant Peerages of the Northern Counties of
England.
G. C. E. The Complete Peerage.
Crecy and Calais, (William Salt Historical Collections, Vol. 18).
The Black Prince’s Register, Vol. IV.
The Dictionary of National Biography.
2 The Prince had then reached the age of 16; his brothers were too
young for active service.
3 In October 1346, the King sent a writ to his cousin Margaret, Countess
of Kent, Lady Wake to send John, Earl of Kent, her son, then aged 16,
as Captain of his men-at-arms to proceed abroad.
278 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
The Battle of Crecy, fought on 26 August, 1346 was followed
by the siege of Calais which lasted until 4 August, 1347. Mean-
while, the Battle of Neville’s Cross was fought on 17 October, 1346.
Of the 18 shields (probably originally 24) identified in the
eight chancel windows, 161 represented Earls and other leaders
prominent in the campaigns of 1346-47. Of these, 11 were present
at Crecy, five serving also at Calais; five were present at Neville’s
Cross, three serving later at Calais.2
No fewer than 12 of the shields represented Bannerets who
fought in the French campaign, three representing Divisional
Commanders at Crecy, viz. Beauchamp, FitzAlan and De Vere,
and three Divisional Commanders at Neville’s Cross, two, viz.,
Mowbray and Roos,3 proceeding afterwards to Calais, and Percy
to Scotland. The shield of Lord Neville who has been styled
‘The Victor of Neville’s Cross” was not found by Dodsworth,
unless No. 16 was a misreading.4
At Poitiers in 1356, the Black Prince shared his command
with the Earls of Warwick, Oxford, Salisbury and Suffolk. On
the ill-fated expedition to Aquitaine in 1372, the Prince was
supported by the Earls of Warwick, Arundel, Salisbury and
Suffolk, and by the Lords Roos, Despenser, Neville and Percy.
The relation of the chancel shields to the Order of the
Garter founded in 1348 has perhaps a special significance. The
royal shields in the east window represented in addition to the
Sovereign Founder of the Order5 and the Black Prince, three
younger sons of the King, who had become Knights before 1374,
and the Prince’s wife who later became a Lady of the Order
(see p. 275).
Of the other chancel shields, four represented Founder
Knights and five represented Knights appointed between 1348
and 1374. In addition, in the case of four of these shields of
1 The remaining two shields represented John de Dreux, aged seven
in 1346, who fought in France in 1359, and Alexander Neville, later Arch-
bishop of York.
2 In each instance one generation only has been counted.
3 It has been said that Roos was at both Crecy and Neville’s Cross
(see Yorks. Arch. Journal XXIV, 331). Although this seems improbable,
Roos, Mowbray and others joined the King at Calais after Neville's Cross.
4 In some instances, two or more members of the same armorial
family were on active service at the same time. For example, Henry Percy,
senior, was at Neville’s Cross, while his son Henry was at Crecy and Calais.
The Neville family was similarly divided. Of the Beauchamp family, four
were at Crecy, three becoming Knights of the Garter, including two Founder
Knights.
5 The contemporary Lady Chapel in York Minster, built between 1361
and 1370, displays a large portrait of Edward III in one of its windows, on
a background studded with garters, inscribed “Honi soit qui mal y pense”.
In a window of St. George’s Church at Stamford there were formerly
in one window about 200 quarries with the Garter motto (W. A. Rees- Jones
op. cit., p. 23).
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
279
Garter Knights, a son was also elected to the Order by 1376.1
The Cottingham shields also indicate the baronial families
closely associated with the Prince in peace as in war. Among the
witnesses at his wedding in the Garter Chapel at Windsor in 1361
were the Earls of Suffolk, Salisbury, Warwick and Pembroke.
Other families represented were connected with the Prince or the
Princess by marriage. Two sisters of the Prince, Mary and Margaret,
were married to the Earl of Richmond and the Earl of Pembroke
respectively. Joan Plantagenet’s son Sir Thomas de Holand2
married Alice daughter of the Earl of Arundel. Her daughters
Maud and Joan married Lord Courtenay and the Earl of Rich-
mond (as second wife) respectively.3
Other baronial families represented held prominent offices
in the Prince’s Household, e.g Robert Ufford, Earl of Suffolk was
titular chief of the Prince’s Council;4 Sir John Montacute, a
Knight of the Prince’s Household; Sir Edward Courtenay, the
Prince’s Bachelor; Sir Robert Neville, Surveyor of the Prince’s
great horses; and Sir Hugh Segrave, Steward of the Prince’s lands,
and eventually an executor of his will.5
The arms of Mowbray and Roos, omitted by Dodsworth, are
given below (p. 280). Details in Dodsworth’s list should be amended
or extended, as follows —
No. 3. Richmond; Chequy or and azure, a bordure gules
charged with lions passant guardant of the first, a
canton ermine.
No. 4. Arundel; FitzAlan quartering Warenne.
No. 5. Pembroke; Hastings quartering Valence; 1 and 4,
Or a manche gules, 2 and 3, Barruly argent and
azure an orle of martlets gules.
No. 15. Percy; Or, a lion rampant azure.
Three of the shields are differenced, viz. —
No. 14. The crescent sable on the Neville saltire was borne
in 1357 by Alexander Neville, later Archbishop of
York.6 His arms appear in the Choir at York
Minster.
1 G.E.C. II, App. B., p. 534.
As to the chancel stall shields in relation to the Garter, see p. 285.
Note. — Neither Lord Neville nor any of the three Divisional Com-
manders at Neville’s Cross became a Knight of the Garter.
2 Neither the arms of Lord de Holand, 2nd Earl of Kent, nor those
of his two sons, successively Earls of Kent, are recorded as at Cottingham.
3 Four baronial families related by marriage to Blanche, Lady Wake
(see p. 266) were represented among the Cottingham shields. Her sisters
married as follows —
Joan, to John, 3rd Lord Mowbray (see p. 280 et seq.).
Eleanor, to Richard FitzAlan, 5th Earl of Arundel.
Mary, to Henry, 3rd Lord Percy.
Maud, to Ralph de Ufford (see p. 291).
4 See also Sir John Wingfield (p. 289).
5 Black Prince’s Register, Vol. IV, passim.
e Archaeologia, Vol. LXXXIX, PI. IX, h.
280
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
No. 16. The saltire ermine in the Neville arms may have
been a misreading for argent.1 If correctly read, the
ermine perhaps indicates a mark of cadency for Sir
Robert Neville, 2nd son of Ralph, 2nd Lord Neville
of Raby.2 (see p. 283).
No. 18. The ‘bend gules’3 was perhaps borne on the shield
of Sir John, Lord Segrave, by one of his three sons
(see pp. 283-4).
Where no difference is indicated, the arms are assumed to
refer to the head of the family represented.
No. 1. Mowbray. John de Mowbray,
3rd Lord Mowbray of Thirsk, Axiholme, &c. d. 1361.
Arms — Gules, a lion rampant argent.
At Neville’s Cross and the siege of Calais: a Banneret.
John de Mowbray, 4th Lord Mowbray, d. 1368.
With his father at Neville’s Cross and Calais.
John de Mowbray, 5th Lord Mowbray, d. 1382.
cr. Earl of Nottingham, 1377.
Heir of his mother Baroness Segrave.
No. 2. Roos or Ros. William de Roos,
4th Lord Ros of Helmsley. d. 1352.
Arms — Gules, three water-bougets argent.
At Neville’s Cross and Calais: a Banneret.
Thomas de Roos, 5th Lord Ros,
brother of William, b. 1338, d. 1384.
Served in the French wars.
No. 3. De Dreux. John de Dreux, Earl of Richmond,
K.G. 1375, b. c.1339, d. 1399.
Brought up by Edward III, his guardian.
Served in France with the King, 1359.
The earldom of Richmond was restored to him in
1372; he was deprived in 1384; restored 1398.
Married (1) Mary, sister of the Black Prince, 1361.
(2) Joan, dau. of Thomas Holand, Earl of
Kent, and Joan Plantagenet (later Prin-
cess of Wales), c.1362.
No children of either marriage.
1 The Editor of Dodsworth’s Yorkshire Church Notes states that
“Dodsworth’s writing is sometimes very rough and confused and his copies
of inscriptions not altogether correct." Yorks. Arch. Soc., Rec. Series,
XXXIV, VI.
2 This shield appears in Well Church, Yorkshire. It can be dated c. 1367.
Dodsworth, op. cit., 226.
3 Woodward, Heraldry, II, 37, gives Segrave as "differenced by a
bendlet or.”
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
281
No. 4. FitzAlan, Richard FitzAlan, 5th Earl of Arundel and
10th Earl of Surrey, b. c.1313, d. 1376.
Arms — FitzAlan quartering Warenne, 1 and 4, Gules,
a lion rampant or, 2 and 3, Chequy or and
azure.
At Crecy (Joint Commander, 2nd Divn.) and Calais.
In 1359, he made a loan of £2,000 to the Black Prince,
receiving as security the gold crown and star of
the French King.
(His eldest son Richard, 6th Earl of Arundel and 11th
Earl of Surrey, K.G. 1386. b. 1346, d. 1397.
His dau. Alice married in 1366 Thomas de Holand,
K.G., 2nd Earl of Kent, eldest son of Joan
Plantagenet.)
No. 5. Hastings. Laurence de Hastings, 3rd Lord Hastings, cr.
Earl of Pembroke, 1339. b. 1320, d. 1348.
At Neville’s Cross. At Calais. In Gascony, 1345.
John de Hastings (son of above), 4th Lord Hastings, 2nd
Earl of Pembroke, K.G. 1370. b. 1347, d. 1375.
He married Margaret, sister of the Black Prince, 1359.
With the Prince at Limoges, 1370.
Lieutenant of the King’s forces in Aquitaine, 1372.
No. 6. Beauchamp. Thomas Beauchamp, 3rd Earl of Warwick;
Founder K.G. 1348. Marshal of England, 1344.
d. 1369.
At Crecy (Joint Commander, 1st Divn.), Calais and
Poitiers.
Constable of the Prince’s army in Gascony, 1360. ..
Sir Thomas Beauchamp, 4th Earl of Warwick, K.G. 1373.
d. 1380.
No. 7. Montacute or Montagu. William de Montacute, 2nd
Earl of Salisbury (1344), Founder K.G. 1348. b.1328,
d. 1397.
Knighted with the Black Prince at La Hogue, 13
July, 1346.
At Crecy, Calais and Poitiers.
Captain of Calais, 1379.
In 1344 the Earl was crowned King of the Isle of
Man, which he sold, together with the Crown, to
Sir William Scrope, Earl of Wiltshire, in 1393.
He died in France in 1397, the last surviving Founder
Knight of the Garter.
No. 8. Ufford. Robert de Ufford, 2nd Lord Suffolk, cr. Earl of
Suffolk, 1337, K.G. c. 1349. b. 1298, d. 1369.
With the King in Flanders, 1339.
At Crecy, Calais and Poitiers.
Titular chief of the Prince’s Council, 1351.
His son William de Ufford, 2nd Earl of Suffolk (1369-82).
K.G. c. 1376. b. c.1339, d. 1382.
282 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
No. 9. Stafford. Ralph Stafford, 1st Earl of Stafford (1351).
Founder K.G. 1348. b. 1301, d. 1372.
Steward of the King’s Household, 1341.
Seneschal of Aquitaine, 1345-46.
At Crecy and Calais; a Banneret.
His son Sir Hugh Stafford, 2nd Earl of Stafford. K.G.
1375. d. 1385.
In Castile, 1367, and Aquitaine, 1359.
A younger son of the 1st Earl, Sir Richard Stafford was
a liaison officer between the Black Prince and the
English administration during the Prince’s campaign,
1355-57.
No. 10. de Vere. John de Vere, 7th Earl of Oxford, d. 1358.
At Crecy (Joint Commander 1st Divn.), Calais and
Poitiers.
Thomas (son of John) de Vere, 8th Earl of Oxford,
b. 1337, d. 1372.
Chamberlain of England, 1362.
Robert (son of Thomas) de Vere, 9th Earl of Oxford,
b. 1362, d. 1392.
No. 11. Courtenay. Hugh Courtenay (1), Earl of Devon (1340),
Knight Banneret, b. 1303, d. 1377.
Founder K.G. 1348.
Hugh Courtenay (2), son of Hugh (1). b. 1327, d.s.p.
before 1349.
At Crecy and Calais.
Hugh Courtenay (3), Lord Courtenay, son of Hugh (2).
Knighted by the Black Prince, 1367.
Married Maud, dau. of Thomas Holand and Joan
Plantagenet. d.s.p. 1374.
Both Hugh (2) and Hugh (3) died in the lifetime of
Hugh (1).
Edward Courtenay, Earl of Devon (1377), son of Hugh (2).
Referred to as “The Prince’s Bachelor” 1361.
No. 12. Umfraville. Gilbert de Umfraville, Earl of Angus,
d. 1381.
At Neville’s Cross.
In 1364 he held of the Prince, Hessle and other
manors appurtenant to the lordship of Cottingham
(Sir William Umfraville was with the King at Crecy,
serving “continuously until the King’s return to
England”.)
No. 13. Despenser. Edward le Despenser, Lord Despenser.
K.G. 1361. b. 1336, d. 1375.
At Poitiers, 1356.
In Gascony, 1359, 1372.
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
283
No. 14. Neville. Alexander Neville, received a prebend of York
by command of Edward III in 1361, Archbishop of
York (1374-88), Archbishop of St. Andrews, 1388.
d. 1392.
Consecrated 4 June, 1374.
Son of Ralph, 2nd Lord Neville of Raby (see No. 16).
A supervisor of the will of Edward III, 1377.
No. 15. Percy. Henry de Percy, 2nd Lord Percy of Alnwick,
b. 1299, d. 1352.
At Neville’s Cross (Commander of the 3rd Divn.).
Steward of the King’s Household, 1339.
Sir Henry de Percy, 3rd Lord Percy, b. 1320, d. 1368.
At Crecy and Calais.
In Gascony, 1349, and Champagne, 1359.
Sir Henry de Percy, 4th Lord Percy, K.G. c.1366. cr.
Earl of Northumberland, 1377. b. 1342, d. 1408.
Marshal of England, 1376.
No. 16. Neville. PRalph, 2nd Lord Neville of Raby. d. 1367.
Arms — Gules, a saltire argent.1
In command at Neville’s Cross.
His eldest son Sir John, 3rd Lord Neville, K.G. 1369.
d. 1388.
"One of the most gallant followers of the Black
Prince.”
At Neville’s Cross. In Castile, 1369.
Lieutenant of Aquitaine, 1378.
His second son Sir Robert Neville, d. 1369.
At Crecy. In Gascony and at Poitiers.
Received a grant of 100 marks per annum in 1357
"for good service”.
Styled the Prince’s bachelor, he was made "Surveyor
of the great horses” to the Prince in 1361.
No. 17. Latimer. William Latimer, 4th Lord Latimer of Danby,
K.G. 1362. b. c.1329, d. 1381.
At Crecy; a Banneret at the age of 16.
In Gascony, 1359.
Chamberlain of the Household of Edward III, 1376.
An executor of Edward Ill’s will, 1377.
Council of Regency for Richard II, 1377.
No. 18. Sir John de Segrave, 6th Lord Segrave. b. 1315, d. 1353.
Sir Hugh de Segrave, 3rd son of Lord Segrave. d. 1385.
Served in the French wars.
Controller of the King’s Wardrobe, 1360-68.
Described in the will of the Black Prince as "Senescal
de nos terres” — Steward of the Prince’s lands.2
1 see p. 280, No. 16, f.n. 1 and 2.
2 Segrave had earlier been Esquire of Queen Philippa and Steward
of John of Gaunt’s Household. After the Prince’s death, he was Steward
of the lands of Joan, Princess of Wales.
284 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Executor of the Prince, 1376.
Council of Regency for Richard II, 1377.
Treasurer of England, 1382.
Sir Stephen de Segrave, eldest son of Lord Segrave.
At Crecy.
Sir John Segrave, Lord of Folkestone, 2nd son of Lord
Segrave. d. 1349.
At Crecy.
The Chancel Stalls
The heraldic shields on the chancel stalls formerly in Cotting-
ham church present a difficult problem. The stalls are not
mentioned by Dodsworth, but Pryme refers to them as follows—
“ Under all these (i.e. the arms in the chancel roof) on both sides
of the chancel, is yet standing, and yet to be seen, thirty two
prebendarys’ or channons’ seats, sixteen on one side and sixteen
on the other.”
Pryme continues “In the turning up of the seats in most of
which canons’ stalls is discover’d great coats of armes, curiously
cut on the lower sides.” He also refers to “seven other such like
seats, but smaller and lower than the rest on the south wall,”
but without any reference to heraldic shields. These latter seats
may have occupied the place on the south side of the sanctuary
normally assigned to the sedilia (see p. 270).
Pryme records as follows —
On the south side of the chancel beginning at the chancel
door, i.e., from west to east —
1. Three bars.
2. An eagle, double-headed, and displayed.
3. Six lozenges pierced. 3, 2, 1.
4. A fess nebulee between six crosses crosslet fitchee (Lovel).
5. Pool. A fess between three lions’ faces.
6. Scroop. A bend.
7. A cross moline (Monceaux).
8. Boynton. A fess between three crescents.
9. Peche. A fess between two chevrons (Lisle? who married
De la Pole).
10. A fess dancette between six crosses, four in chief, two
in base (Engaine).
11. A chevron between three covered cups.
12. A lion rampant, within a bordure charged with fourteen
cinquefoils.
On the north side, proceeding from west to east1 —
13. On a bend, three pairs of wings (Wingfield, who married
Pole, Earl of Suffolk).
1 These shields are numbered by Pryme 1 to 8.
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
285
14. A cross flory. Ld. Lassels, of Sutton.
15. A fess between six crosses flory.
16. A lion rampant, crowned (Morley, who married de la
Pole).
17. A chevron between three escallops.
18. A cross engrailed, in the dexter quarter a rose (Ufford).
19. Chequy, on a bend six (uncertain what) ? a bend fretty
(Cheney).
20. Six escallops, 3, 2, 1. Eastofts’ armes.
Of the 32 stalls, Pryme was able to record the shields of only
20, and adds “Many are spoiled and so consumed with age, on
both sides, that I could not possibly make anything of them.”
The deterioration of the shields would probably obscure any
marks of cadency or differencing on the devices. For instance, in
the case of No. 9, Pryme assigns the shield to Peche (or Pecche)
and to Lisle as an alternative, but does not record the Pecche
label.1 Again, if the shield of Scrope (No. 6) originally bore a
label, the shield should be assigned to Scrope of Masham.
Pryme does not mention any colour on these shields. In the
absence of any label on No. 9 it is therefore impossible to decide
between Peche and Lisle.
Of the 20 shields, 12 can be fairly reliably identified, four
are uncertain and four not yet identified. At least six of these
shields relate to families associated with Yorkshire (three with
the East Riding). As with the shields in the side windows, a
number of the stall shields can be assigned to war-time ‘com-
panions’ of the Black Prince. Not fewer than eight took part in
the French campaigns, four serving as Knights Banneret. One,
and possibly two or three of the shields represent Knights of the
Garter (Nos. 9, 14, 18).
Probably further shields not identified by Pryme or merely
conjectured by him to refer to Yorkshire families,2 e.g. Cheney3
and Lovel (Nos. 19 & 4) may in fact relate to friends of the Prince.
The shield of Sir John Wingfield, the Prince’s chief house-
hold officer was the first (identifiable) shield from the entrance to
the chancel on the north side. The approximate date of the stall
shields may perhaps be inferred from the prominent place given
to Sir John Wingfield’s shield. Steward of the Prince’s lands and
Governor of his business, Wingfield died in July 1361, three
months before the Prince’s marriage. The expenses of Wingfield’s
1 See Boutell, op. cit., 224.
2 Pryme’s tendency to conjecture in regard to local families is illus-
trated by his absurd assignment of No. 5 in the east window (page 274).
3 Cheney of Thorngumbald does not appear in armorial families until
the 16th century.
286 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
funeral in the collegiate church at Wingfield, founded by Sir John,
were paid by the Prince.1
The arms on the stall opposite the stall bearing Wingfield's
arms were almost certainly those of Wake (see p. 291). The Wake
arms were actually borne by Joan, Princess of Wales as Lady
Wake of Cottingham in 1357 during her previous marriage with
Lord Thomas de Holand.2 Next to these conjectural arms of the
Princess were those of the Emperor, Lewis V. The Emperor and
his son William were related to both the Prince and the Princess
by marriages (see pp. 291-2).
Of eight further shields reasonably identifiable as to the
families, four probably relate to knights who died between 1352
and 1358 and four to knights who died between 1365 and 1369.
Other shields relate to families who flourished about this time. It
seems reasonable therefore to conclude that this series of shields
should be dated in the early years after the Prince’s marriage in
1361, and well before the present chancel was completed.
It may be suggested that the stall shields represent bene-
factors who contributed to the building of the new chancel about
this time. In the case of the neighbouring collegiate church of
Sutton-on-Hull, Pryme in 1700 recorded —
“In the quire has been seats for the collegians turning up
like the prebendary's seats in collegiate churches, with the
armes of the builders thereon, only one of which is now
remaining (which is a cross flure, which I take to have been
the armes of Lassels).’’3
It may well be that at Cottingham the Prince, as Patron,
followed a precedent made by the King at St. George’s Chapel,
Windsor. In the Statutes of the Order of the Garter promulgated
in 1348, after provision had been made for the canons and the
‘poor Knights' of Windsor, it was ordained in Statute XXXII
that —
“If any other Knight not of the said Company of the Garter
or any other person would contribute not less than x pounds
per annum to the said college in order to share in the
devotions conducted there, the name of the said benefactor
shall be recited in the Kalendar of Benefactors.’’4
There seems to be no evidence to show that this proposal
was ever put into operation at Windsor. In the case of Cottingham,
there is however no obvious explanation of the stall shields, except
1 Wingfield church (Suffolk) was rebuilt following the foundation
charter of its college June 1362. Mass was to be said daily in the church
for the health of . . . "the most serene Prince of Wales,” and for Sir Michael de
la Pole and “the noble man Lord Robert, Earl of Suffolk.” (see pp. 287and281).
The Prince’s arms, dating from this time, are still to be seen in Wingfield
church. (Aldwell, Wingfield; its Church , Castle and College, p. 75, 106).
2 Archaeologia, Vol. LXXXIX, p. 10.
3 Pryme assumed that "a cross flory” at Cottingham (No. 14) also
represented "Ld Lassels of Sutton”, (see p. 289).
4 Nicolas, op. cit., I, 30.
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
287
perhaps this prevalent practice of endowing obits, which would
be recorded in a ‘Kalendar of Benefactors.’1
Stalls. South Side
No. 5. Pole. Sir William de la Pole. Knight Banneret, 1339.
b. c.1295, d. 1366.
Arms— Azure, a fess between three leopards’ faces or.
Acted in an advisory capacity during the seige of
Calais.
Sir Michael de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk 1385. b. c.1330,
d. 1389.
He married Katherine, dau. and heiress of Sir John
Wingfield (see No. 13).
Arms — De la Pole (as above); after c.1375 quartered
with Wingfield.
At Crecy: A Knight in the King’s Divn.
In Picardy, 1372: a Banneret.
In France with the Black Prince 1355, 1359, 1370.
Captain of Calais.
Lord Chancellor, 1383-86.
No. 6. Scrope. Sir Richard Scrope, 1st Lord Scrope of Bolton,
b. c.1326, d. 1403.
Arms — Azure, a bend or.
At Neville’s Cross, where he was knighted.
At Calais.
In Castile, 1367.
In 1360, in the retinue of John of Gaunt (according
to one deponent in the Scrope-Grosvenor con-
troversy (1389) "with no less than five others of
the Scrope family”) and with Gaunt into Spain
1367.
He married Blanche dau. of Sir William de la Pole
(above).
Sir Henry le Scrope, 1st Lord Scrope of Masham. b. c.1315,
d. 1391.
Arms — Azure, a bend or, differenced by a label argent.
At Crecy and Calais; a Banneret.
In France with the King (1359) until the Peace of
Bretigny (1360).
Governor of Calais, 1369.
1 It is of course notorious that endowments of obits were apt to be
forgotten, e.g. the sum of £200 given by Bishop William de Edington, the
first Prelate of the Order of the Garter to endow an obit at St. George’s
Chapel had disappeared by the time of a visitation in 1378. (Roberts,
op. cit., p. 149).
288
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
No. 7. Monceux. Sir John de Monceux, Lord of Barmston,
alive 1348.
Arms — Or, a cross moline gules.
He paid an aid for knighting the Black Prince in 1346.
In 1347, John de Monceaux, the King’s Sergeant at
Arms (then in France) was granted for his good
service, 12d daily for his life.
No. 8. Boynton. Sir Ingelram de Boynton, Lord of Acklam.
d. 1352.
Arms — Or, a fess between three crescents gules.
His mother was daughter of Sir Ingelram de Monceux,
Lord of Barmston.
His son Sir Walter de Boynton, alive 1376.
Sir Thomas, son of Sir Walter, 1340-1402.
No. 9. ? Lisle. Sir John de Lisle (or de Insula), 2nd Lord Lisle
of Rougemont, co. Yorks. Founder K.G., 1348.
b. 1318, d. 1356.
Arms — Or, a fess and two chevrons sable.
At Crecy where he was made a Banneret.
With the Black Prince at Poitiers, 1356, where he
died of wounds.
His son, Robert, 3rd Lord Lisle held Harewood, co.
Yorks., 1365.
(Pryme’s reference to “Lisle? who married De la
Pole” is not relevant. The reference may be to
a later Gerard de Lisle who is said to have
married a daughter of Michael de la Pole.)
? Peche. Sir Robert Peche, Mayor of London, 1362.
Arms — Argent, a fess between two chevrons gules, a
label azure bezantee.
He made great loans to the Black Prince, holding the
Crown of France at one time as security.
(Arms of Peche formerly (c.1700) in Holy Trinity
Church, Hull. De la Pryme MS. History of
Holy Trinity Church, p. 87.)
No. 10. Engayne (or Engaine). Sir John Engaine, Lord Engaine.
b. c.1303, d. 1358.
Arms — Gules, a fess dancetty between six cross —
crosslets or.
With the King in France, 1345.
In 1346, received writs “to collect men-at-arms ....
to join the King at Calais.”
(Arms of Engaine on a de la Pole tomb in Holy
Trinity Church, Hull.)
Robert Engayne, Prior of Haltemprice, 1328-31.
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
289
No. 11. Boteler (or Botiller). Sir John le Botiller.
Arms — Azure, a chevron between three covered cups
or.
At Crecy in the retinue of Richard, Earl of Arundel.
William le Botiller, Lord Botiller. d. 1369.
No. 12. ? Dunbar. Patrick of Dunbar, 5th Earl of March (Scot-
land). b. 1309, d. 1368.
Arms — Gules, a lion rampant argent, a bordure of
the last semee of roses of the field.
Resigned his Scottish earldom 1368.
Suspected of a secret leaning to the English in 1334
(Rymer’s Faedera, II, 876).
(Pryme records the lion rampant and 14 cinquefoils
within a bordure.)
Stalls. North Side
No. 13. Wingfield. Sir John Wingfield, Knight Banneret,
d. July 1361.
Arms — Argent, on a bend gules cotised sable, three
wings in lure of the first.
At Cre9y, Calais and Poitiers.
He served (1) William, 2nd Earl of Salisbury during
his minority, embarking for France in 1346 in
Salisbury’s retinue (see p. 281).
(2) Countess of Warenne as Chief of her Council.
(3) Edward the Black Prince.
Between 1350 and July 1361 he served as Steward of
the Prince’s lands, Chief of the Prince’s Council,
Attorney of the Prince, and Governor of the
Prince’s business.1 He received the considerable
wage of 10s. a day.
Wingfield died of plague July 1361 before the marriage
of the Prince. His burial expenses at Wingfield
£57. 13s. 4d. were paid by the Prince in Nov-
ember 1361 (see p. 286, f.n. 1). His estates
passed to the de la Pole family of Hull (see No. 5).
No. 14. Pryme records "a cross flory” and attributes this shield
(and "a cross flure” at Sutton) to “Ld Lassels of Sutton.”
Note: — The arms of Lacells of Thirsk were ‘‘sable, a cross
flory or.” There was no Lord Lassels of Sutton;
the arms of Lascelles of Escrick (13th century)
occur at Swine (see p. 295).
1 B.P. Regr., Vol. IV, passim.
Wingfield wrote the Prince’s Acts: His letters regarding the Peace
Envoys in 1355 are recorded. (Avesbury, pp. 432, 439).
290
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
The arms at both Cottingham and Sutton1 were probably
those of Ughtred, intended to indicate benefactions on the
rebuilding of the chancels (see p. 286).
Sir Thomas Ughtred (or Oughtred), 1st Lord Ughtred,
Lord of Scarborough, Catton and Kexby (co. Yorks.).
b. c.1292, d. 1365; buried at Catton Church.
Arms — Gules, on a cross patonce (fleurie) or, 5
mullets of the same.2
A distinguished soldier in the Scottish and French
wars.
Knighted 1324, K.G. c.1360.
He accompanied Edward Baliol in his expedition
from Hull against Scotland in 1332: at Baliol’s
coronation.
Master of the “King’s Galley of Hull’’ and Governor
of Berwick, 1339.3
Banneret of the King’s Household, 1334.
At Crecy and Calais: Sub-Marshal of the Army before
Calais, 1346.
Lieutenant of the Army, 1351.
Lieutenant of the Earl of Warwick and Marshal of
the Army, 1353.
No. 16. Morley. Robert, Lord Morley of Morley, co. Norfolk.
d. 1360.
Arms — Argent, a lion rampant sable, langued and
crowned gules.
At Crecy and Calais: a Banneret.
Marshal of Ireland.
He died in France (1360) during the military opera-
tions, and is described as “one of the most
famous warriors of the period’’.
(Pryme’s reference to “Morley who married De la
Pole”, relates to Henry Lovel, 2nd and last
Lord Morley, who died 1489).
1 (1) Lord Ughtred and Sir John de Sutton served together on many
commissions of array, commissions of the peace, &c., &c. Both were
rewarded for good service done at Calais, where John de Sutton was
knighted. (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1345-48, 533, 566).
(2) Sir Thomas Ughtred, son of Lord Ughtred, sold for 100 marks
a third part of the manor of Sutton of his inheritance. (T. Blashill
“Sutton-in-Holderness”, p. 167).
2 The arms of Ughtred appear at Holy Trinity Church, Hull, as a
cross patonce and (formerly) at Bubwith as a cross flory. (Dodsworth, op.
cit., p. 206). (Yorks. Arch. Jnl. XXVI, 123). The cross patonce on the
gate-house at Kirkham Abbey (c.1300) and the “plain cross” on the tomb
of Sir John de Sutton (c.1357) possibly represent the coat of Ughtred.
Sir Robert Ughtred, the father of Lord Ughtred, was Lord of Catton, &c.,
and High Sheriff of Yorkshire in 1300.
3 Cal. Close Rolls, 1339-41, 135.
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
291
No. 18. Ufford (so attributed by Pryme).
Arms — A cross engrailed, in the dexter quarter a rose.1
This may perhaps have been the shield of either —
(1) Sir Thomas de Ufford, K.G. 1360.
He was with the Black Prince in Castile, Battle
of Najera, 1367.
(2) Ralph de Ufford,
who married Maud, sister of Blanche, Lady Wake,
and daughter of Henry Plantagenet, 3rd
Earl of Lancaster.
The attribution of the following four shields is conjectural —
South Side
No. 1. ? Wake. Three bars (Pryme).
This may be a misreading of the Wake arms, the
three torteaux being read as a bar.
Arms— Or, two bars gules in chief three torteaux.
Lord Thomas Wake died 1349.
His widow Blanche (of Lancaster)2 died 1380.
The title of Lord Wake was continued by John
Plantagenet, Earl of Kent (1349-52), and of
Lady Wake by his sister Joan Plantagenet,
Countess of Kent (1352-85). (see p. 267).
The arms of Kent (Woodstock) and the arms of
Wake formerly appeared together in a Window
in Selby Abbey.3
The arms of Wake also appear on a seal of Sir Thomas
de Holand,4 for his wife, Joan Plantagenet, sue
jure baroness Wake of Liddell, 1357.
No. 2. ? The Eagle of the Emperor.
Arms — Or, an eagle with two heads sable.
“An eagle, double-headed, and displayed/’ (Pryme).
The Emperor Lewis V (1328-47) married Margaret,
sister of Philippa of Hainault. He was therefore
uncle of the Black Prince.5
1 The rose on the shield possibly indicates the red rose of Lancaster,
in reference to the wife of Ralph de Ufford.
2 In April 1348, about the time when the Order of the Garter was
founded, Lady Wake received for the Hastiludes (or tournaments) at
Lichfield, blue cloth and fur for her livery. Lady Juliers, the wife of John
Plantagenet, and Lady Seagrave received similar gifts from the Wardrobe.
(Archaeologia, XXXI, 117).
3 Dodsworth, op. cit., 249.
Note — At Hessle Church, in 1724, John Warburton recorded the arms
of Wake and what were probably the arms of Kent, in a window
together. (B.M.Ms., Lans. 923).
4 Holand in 1354 and 1357 bore a plain black shield. (Archaeologia,
Vol. LXXXIX, p. 10, PI. IXj).
5 The Emperor’s eagle, double-headed and displayed appears on the
tomb of Edmund of Langley, K.G., Duke of York, brother of the Black
Prince, at King’s Langley, 1402.
I
292 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
The Emperor’s son William, Count of Holland married
Maud, daughter of Henry, Duke and Earl of
Lancaster K.G. Blanche, Lady Wake, sister of
Lancaster was therefore aunt of the Countess,
and through Margaret, sister of Lord Wake, aunt
of Joan Plantagenet.
The Count of Holland died in 1362.
North Side.
No. 17. ? Tankard or Tancred of Borough Bridge, co. York.
Arms — Argent, on a chevron between three escallops
gules three annulets of the first.
(Pryme does not mention the annulets, which may
have become obliterated.)
No. 20. ? Scales. Robert de Scales, Lord Scales, succ. 1332,
d. 1369.
Arms — Gules, six escallops 3, 2, 1, or.
At Calais: a Banneret.
Married c.1335 Catherine, sister and co-heir of William
Ufford, 2nd Earl of Suffolk.
? Fulthorp of Wassand.
Roger de Fulthorp.
Commissioner of array at Hull, 1371, and at Beverley,
1382.
(Pryme attributes to Eastoft (or Estoft), whose arms
appear at Lockington (1694) as sable, six
escallops or.)
Four shields do not appear to have been identified, viz.: —
Nos. 3 and 4 on the south side.
Nos. 15 and 19 on the north side (Pryme Nos. 3 and 7).
15th Century Shields
Pryme records ‘Two coats of arms in great shields yet to be
seen in the south window1 of the sayd chancel,” viz.
1. “Montacute.”
2. ‘‘Quarterly, 1 and 4 gules. In the first quarter of this was
some sort of a cross (Query Nevil), 2 and 3 chequy, az.
and or (Newburgh).”
Pryme does not describe the Montacute shield, but adds
“This is underwritten Hen. Earl of Salisbury.”2
In No. 2, the Newburgh arms would be “chequy or and
azure, a chevron ermine.”
1 Pryme’s reference to “the south window’' of the chancel (which
had four south windows) relates more probably to the south window of the
transept.
2 There was no Henry, Earl of Salisbury in either the 14th or 15th
century. The reference is perhaps to Henry Beauchamp, Earl (and later
Duke) of Warwick, who was never Earl of Salisbury, but whose sister and
heiress, Anne, married Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury.
Note. — The English inscription distinguishes this shield from the 14th
century Montacute shield inscribed “Le Conte de Sarum’’. (see p. 277).
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
293
These two shields recorded by Pryme relate to the lordship
of Cottingham Sarum held in succession by Montacute and Neville
from c.1408 to 1485. The shields represent the two earldoms of
Salisbury and Warwick and can be dated about 1460 when
Richard Neville the younger, "The King maker” became Earl of
Salisbury. He had already been made Earl of Warwick in 1449
after his marriage with Anne Beauchamp, Countess of Warwick
in her own right.
Richard succeeded his father as Earl of Salisbury by right
of his mother Alice, daughter and heiress of Thomas Montacute,
4th Earl of Salisbury. Thomas Montacute had married Eleanor,
one of the four heiresses of Thomas de Holand, 2nd Earl of Kent
(see pedigree following p. 268).
The arms of De Newburgh, Earl of Warwick, temp. Henry
III were afterwards borne by the Beauchamp family who suc-
ceeded to the earldom in 1268, by the Nevilles who succeeded in
1449, and by Richard Plantagenet in 1473. The Nevilles also
displayed the arms of Montacute after the marriage of Richard
Neville the elder, with Alice daughter and heiress of Thomas
Montacute, c.14301 (see above).
The only surviving daughter in 1476 of Richard Neville the
younger, who had married the Beauchamp heiress, was Anne
Neville who in 1473 married Richard Plantagenet, later Richard
III; both died in 1485. In the arms of Anne Neville, impaled
with those of Richard III, the arms of Neville are quartered with
those of Newburgh, Montacute and Beauchamp.2
It seems probable that when the 14th century shields recorded
by Dodsworth disappeared between 1620 and 1700, the two 15th
century shields (not recorded by Dodsworth) would perhaps be
preserved because of their association with the lordship of
Cottingham Sarum.
The Tudor Shields
Pryme alone records the early 16th century shields in the
chancel roof. "In four great pains (sic) are the following four
coats of arms, old painted with the proper supporters.”3 He also
records a Latin inscription on the side of a balk, to the effect that
Andrew Forman had the chancel roof repaired in the year 1504.
The date of the three royal shields would be 1505-6 (18
James IV). Andrew Forman, then Rector of Cottingham and
Bishop of Moray is referred to by Pryme under No. 4 as "the
causer of all these”. The date of his own shield would be 1504,
the date of his consecration (see below).
Henry VII held Cottingham Richmond by right of descent
from Holand, Earl of Kent, and Cottingham Sarum on the defeat
and death of Richard III in 1485. He presented Forman for
1 Archaeologia, Vol. LXXXIX, PI. Xlla.
2 Boutell, op. cit., p. 166.
3 Pryme does not describe the supporters.
294
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
institution to the benefice in 1501, when on behalf of James IV,
King of Scotland, Forman had treated for the King’s marriage
with Margaret, eldest daughter of Henry VII.
1. Henry VII.
“France and England quarterly’’
“henricus rex angliae’’
2. James IV, King of Scotland.
“Or a lion rampant gules’’
b. 1473, acc. 1488, d. 1513.
“jacobus, rex scotorum illustrissimus anno 18’’
3. James IV, King of Scotland and Margaret Tudor his
Queen.
“Scotland impaling France modern and England
quarterly’’ (see Nos. 2 and 1, above).
“Margareta primo genita Henricii
Regina Scotorum praeclarissima’’
Margaret Tudor, b. 1489, d. 1541;
married by proxy January 1503.
Conducted by Forman, she passed through York,
July 1503.1
4. Andrew Forman, Rector of Cottingham 1501-1514,
b. 1465, d. 1521. 2
Pryme describes No. 4 shield —
“Quarterly 1 and 4, Argent3 a nagg’s head sable,
2 and 3, Azure, a chevron between three fishes erect
argent (Forman), with a mitre above, and the
inscription ‘Andreas Episcopus Moravien, anno
consecrationis’ below.’’
Pryme also records “Upon the fore fronts of the great
seats (on either side of the chancel) is the miter and
the aforesayd coat of armes in many places.’’
Note. The arms of Archbishop Forman (1520) are painted
1 In an account of the Bruce cenotaph at Guisborough Parish Church,
Yorks., William Brown suggested that the Scottish royal arms were placed
on the monument “at the instigation or expense of Margaret Tudor’’.
(Yorks. Arch. Journal, XJII, 240).
2 Andrew Forman. A Scottish ecclesiastic, educated at St. Andrews;
he was possibly a Forman of Hutton, near Berwick on Tweed. Entered
the service of James IV of Scotland, who sent him in 1497 to make terms
with Henry VII, and in 1501 to treat for the marriage of King James with
Henry’s daughter Margaret.
In 1509 ambassador to Henry VII.
In 1501 he became rector of Cottingham and commendator of Pitten-
weem in Fife; consecrated Bishop of Moray, 1504; Archbishop of St. Andrews
and Primate of all Scotland, 1514.
In 1513 for services to France, Louis XII secured his appointment as
Archbishop of Bourges, when Pope Julius II promised to make him a
Cardinal.
Died 1521; buried at Dunfermline.
3 ? Azure.
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
295
in the nave roof of the Cathedral, St. Machar, Aber-
deen, viz. —
Quarterly 1 and 4, Azure a chevron between
three fishes hauriant fawn colour.1
2 and 3, Sable a camel’s head erased or, collared
and belled or.2
5. “Argent, a saltire engrailed sable — a small coat of arms
on either side of the Forman arms.’’ (Pryme, 230).
? Brigham of Wyton and Brigham (East Yorks.).
Arms — “Argent, a saltier engrailed, vert.’’3
Ralph Brigham of Brigham and Wyton, son of William
Brigham (d. 1494) married Elizabeth, daughter and co-
heir of William Grimston of Cottingham.
Nos. 6-8. Pryme remarks “Hard by in the same roof, in less
and more contemptible scutchions, is to be seen the
following coats of arms, with inscriptions also, which I
could not read.’’
Since these arms had inscriptions it may be assumed
that the shields as in the case of Nos. 1-4, were early
Tudor. Pryme makes no attempt to assign shields 5-6,
which perhaps related to local Yorkshire families.
6. “Gules, on a bend arg. (sic) three eagles with double
heads displayed (qu. proper), or.’’
A somewhat similar unidentified coat —
“Argent, on a bend gules three double-headed eagles or.’’
appears in a window of the Vicar’s vestry in Holy Trinity
Church, Hull.4
7. “Three chevrons braced in base or, a chief of the last.’’
Fitz-Hugh. Richard Fitz-Hugh, 6th Lord Fitz-Hugh of
Ravensworth. b. c.1457, d. 1487.
Governor of Richmond, Middleham and Barnard
Castles.
His father Henry Fitz-Hugh, Steward of the honour
of Richmond.
Arms — Azure, three chevronels embraced in base or,
a chief of the last.
Note. Sir George Fitz-Hugh of Brandesburton, Yorks,
died s.p. 4 Henry VIII.5
8. “Argent, three chaplets gules.’’
Attributed by Pryme incorrectly to Tilleyole.
Arms borne successively by (1) Lascelles of Escrick.
(2) Hilton of Swine.
(3) Hildyard of Winestead.
1 ? Argent.
2 Usually “collared and belled gules”
R. Davies, Herald and Genealogist, V, 1 1 .
3 Poulson, History of Holderness, II, Pt. 4, 268/9.
4 Yorks. Arch. Journal, XXVI, 125.
5 Poulson, op. cit., I, 266.
296
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Matilda, co-heiress of Roger de Lascelles married 1288
Robert de Hilton, lord of Swine. Hilton of Swine
bore the Lascelles arms in the 14th and 15th centuries.
Isabel de Hilton, co-heiress of Sir Robert de Hilton, sheriff
of Yorkshire (d. 1429) married Sir Robert Hildyard.
Their grandson, Sir Robert Hildyard (d. 1501) bore
the arms of Hilton and Lascelles quartered with
Hildyard.
Sir Peter Hildyard died 1526.1
APPENDIX I
De Luda, 2 a King’s Clerk, served as Cofferer of the Household of Queen
Isabella in 1358, when, following the queen’s death, he prepared an inventory
of her possessions. 3 In his capacity as an Exchequer official he received
attorneys at Westminster in 1363. He is referred to as King’s Treasurer in
Ponthieu in April 1363, and again in November 1367, when he had licence
to cross the seas from Dover with six men and six horses. 4
Nicholas de Louveigne was a witness at the Prince’s marriage in
October 1361. Later in the month the Prince granted him 100 marks yearly
“for past and future good service”. The following year he was sent on the
Prince’s business to the court of Rome and to Avignon. 5
In 1367, as Governor of the King’s lordship of Ponthieu he went over-
seas from Dover at the same time as de Luda, accompanied by 10 men
and 10 horses. 6 The following year Louveigne and the Treasurer were cap-
tured when the French invaded Ponthieu.
Robert de Walsham was one of the clerks and afterwards Dean of the
Prince’s Collegiate Chapel of St. Nicholas in Wallingford Castle, 1359. 7
He was chaplain to the Prince at the Battle of Najera, 1367, and an executor
of his will in 1376, where he is described as “our confessor”.8
APPENDIX II
Grouped Shields of Edward Ill’s family and of the Black Prince’s
Companions.
(1)
An early instance of the arms of Edward III and his four elder sons
appears on the tomb of Sir Bartholomew Burghersh, K.G., in Lincoln
Cathedral, c.1355. Thomas of Woodstock, the fifth son, born in 1355 is
not represented. 9
Portraits of the King and his five sons, bearing their coats of arms,
formerly appeared on a contemporary frescoe c.1360, on the east wall of
St. Stephen’s Chapel, Westminster, destroyed by fire in 1834. 10
1 Yorks. Arch. Journal, XXVI, 249.
2 The family of de Luda or Louth held lands in Lincolnshire in the
13th century, when they were settled at York. Gilbert de Luda, bailiff of
York in 1274-5 and mayor in 1278 was lord of the manor of East Ness in
Ryedale. He died in 1288, leaving a son Nicholas. Robert de Louth was
chamberlain of York in 1387 and bailiff in 1388-9. R. H. Scaife, Kirkby’s
Inquest (Surtees Society XLIX, 65).
3 Tout, Chapters in Medieval Administrative History , V, 248.
4 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1361-64, 390, 423; 1367-70, 70.
5 B. P. Regr. IV, 396.
6 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1367-70; 71.
7 B. P. Regr. IV, 227.
8 Nichols, Collection of Royal Wills, 66.
9 Archaeological Institute; Lincoln Meeting, 1848, 241.
10 Archaeologia, XLIX, 250.
COTTINGHAM CHURCH AND ITS HERALDRY
297
The arms of the King and of his three surviving sons (before 1372)
were formerly in the church of Barnborough, Yorkshire.1
Subsequent to the year 1374, the family of Edward III were represented
by heraldic shields in at least three other places —
(1) In Westminster Abbey on the tomb of Edward III, erected after
his death in 1377. The twelve children of Edward and Philippa
were there represented by their shields of arms beneath little gilt
statues, six on either side of the tomb. The six statues on the south
side have survived, but only four of the enamelled shields at their
feet, viz. those of Edward the Black Prince, Lionel of Antwerp,
and two daughters, Joan de la Tour and Mary, Duchess of
Brittany. 2
(2) At King’s Langley, Herts., on the tomb of Edmund of Langley,
Duke of York, who died in 1402. His tomb bears the arms of
Edmund and of his three brothers, Edward, Lionel, and Thomas
of Woodstock. The tomb also bears the arms of the Emperor
(see p. 291) and those of Holand, for Edmund’s second wife,
Joan, daughter of Thomas de Holand, 2nd Earl of Kent3 (see
pedigree following p. 268).
(3) The chancel windows of St. George’s Church, Stamford (see p.
269, f.n. 4), inserted c.1435, bore as late as 1641 the shields in painted
glass of Edward the Black Prince, and his three elder brothers
Lionel, John and Edmund. In the east window of five lights
three royal shields then survived, those of Henry, Duke and Earl
of Lancaster, John of Gaunt and Edward, Prince of Wales.4 It
seems probable that the vacant centre light formerly held the
shield of King Edward III. None of the shields survive today.
(2)
Heraldic shields commemorating the companions of the Black Prince
in France appear in the east window of Gloucester Cathedral, completed
before 1350. A series of 10 shields (originally 14) in what is known as “the
Crecy window’’, commemorates the Black Prince, the Earls of Arundel,
Warwick, Northampton and Pembroke, together with the donor, Lord
Bradstone and other companions connected with the Gloucester region who
took part in the campaign of 1346.
In the Lady Chapel and Choir Transept at York Minster, built between
1361 and 1370 contemporaries of the Black Prince are represented by
shields in the spandrels of the arcades. In addition to those of the King,
the Black Prince and Joan Plantagenet, Countess of Kent are eight of the
series formerly found at Cottingham, viz. Latimer, Roos, Neville, Montacute,
Beauchamp, Percy, Mowbray and Stafford.
Acknowledgements.
To Mr. C. R. Grahame Simmons for the drawing on p. 273,
to Mr. E. F. Mann for the drawings on Plates I and II and to the
Cottingham Local History Society who made them available.
1
2
3
II and
4
Dodsworth, op. cit., 119.
R. Com. Hist. Mon’ts., London, I, 30b.
R. Com. Hist. Mon’ts., Herts., 134, and V.C.H. Herts. II, 242, Pis.
III.
W. A. Rees- Jones, op. cit., 23.
298
SEVEN ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERIES
IN YORKSHIRE
By Peter Wenham.
1. Roman sarcophagus, Sutton-under -Whitestone Cliff (fig. 1 and
Plates Ia and Ib).1
On 22nd December 1956, while ploughing in one of his
fields (NGR 499820)2 on Hood Grange Farm, Sutton-under-
Whitestone Cliff, \\ miles east of Thirsk, Mr. John Brown hit the
top of the lid of what proved to be, on investigation, a Roman
sarcophagus of sandstone only 7 ins. below the modern surface.
It was orientated roughly NNW (head) — SSE (feet). It was
cleared under the writer’s supervision and photographed in situ
(Plates Ia and Ib). Mr. Brown kindly presented it to the Yorkshire
Museum, York.
The lid — deeply scored by ploughing and broken into two
pieces in antiquity — measured 7 ft. long, 28 ins. wide and 9 ins.
thick while the coffin was 7 ft. long, 24 ins. high, 28 ins. wide
with the walls 5 ins., and the base 9 ins., thick. The cracks in the
lid were very weathered implying that it had long been broken.
One long side of the lid had been cut back to leave three raised
panels; the central one is inscribed D M, while the two flanking
ones each have carved on them what seems intended to represent
a pine cone. On one side of the coffin is the rest of the inscription
arranged in two lines, the lettering of the upper one being 4 ins.
tall and that of the lower 3 ins. While some of the letters are
quite well cut, the work as a whole is poor and, in particular, the
spacing between the words is irregular, suggesting that the
sculptor responsible for the job was an inferior craftsman. He
had had special difficulty with the word MAMMIOLAE, his ligatures
being confused with no clear differentiation between M’s and A’s.
The O of this name and the last five letters of the last word on line
2 (PIISSIM) have partly flaked off. The full text is as follows: —
D M
COSC MAMMIOLAE CONI PIISSIM
AVR SERENVS
D(is) M(anibus) I Cosc(oniae) Mammiolae coni(ugi) piissim(ae) /
Aur(elius) Serenus.
Mammiola is a diminutive formed from the well attested
nomen Mammius, while the nomen Cosconia is the feminine
1 Short accounts of this discovery have already appeared in J.R.S.,
xlvii (1957), p. 228 and Report of the Yorkshire Philosophical Society for
1957 (1958), p. 5.
2 O.S. 25 ins. Yorkshire [North Riding] Sheet LXXXVIII 14, field no. 3.
A
Photo. R. A. Hill
B Crown copyright reserved .
Plate I. Roman sarcophagus, Hood Grange Farm.
A. In situ. b. In Yorkshire Museum.
K
05
K
•S4
•<?*
K
f
o
O
Fig. 1. Findspot of Roman sarcophagus.
Hood Grange Farm, Sutton-under- Whitestone Cliff.
300
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
form of the not uncommon nomen Cosconius (cf. the derivative
cognomen on one of the Carrawburgh altars EE III 185 = Dessau
4725 — deae Covventinae, T.D. Cosconianus pr. coh. I Bat . l.m.
The skeletal remains in the coffin were very fragmentary
and little could be retrieved of them; however, portions of what
were clearly four femora were identifiable. Professor R. Warwick
of Guy’s Hospital Medical School, London, has examined them
and reports that they represent the remains of two adult males.
These must constitute a secondary burial, a fact supported by the
concealment in the ground of the primary text.
No grave goods or other finds were found in the coffin.
Three sherds of Romano-British pottery were found near it while
it was being dug out; one, found just below the bottom of the
lid, was of colour-coated ware. The secondary interment therefore
probably dated to the 3rd, or the 4th century.
Mr. Brown reports hitting other ‘large stones’ in this field
during ploughing which may represent other sarcophagi. Some
12-20 ft. north of this find the writer uncovered at a depth of
about 9 ins. a small stretch of metalling of cobbles and gravel
which might well have been part of a road. Finally, crop marks
in the same field some 50 yds. east of the coffin indicate the
presence there of a large building of some sort — possibly a villa.1
2. Mediaeval jug, Riccall. (Fig. 2).
In the summer of 1957 the Rev. E. James, Vicar of Riccall,
handed the writer the jug illustrated on fig. 2. It was found, at
a depth of 5 ft., by the sexton, Mr. Horace Hogger, when digging
Fig. 2.
Mediaeval jug from Riccall (J).
a grave in the churchyard near the gate at the east end of the
church. It has been examined by Mrs. J. Le Patourel of Ilkley who
reports on it thus: —
“Small red pot with occasional spots of transparent glaze. The
Yorkshire Museum has a series of these little jugs. They are
roughly of 15th century date. One found at Skipton (Yorks.) in
1949 with a coin hoard deposited after 1399 gives the date.”
1 Cf. York, A Survey, 1959 (Pub. British Association 1959), p. 105.
SEVEN ARCH. DISCOVERIES IN YORKSHIRE
301
3. Human skeletons, Riccall Landing. (Figs. 3-5).
In December 1956 the writer was notified by Mr. G. M.
Outhwaite of Dam End Farm, Riccall, of an archaeological dis-
covery in one of his fields 10 miles south of York and 4 miles
north of Selby. While digging a clamp for mangel-wurzels in a
field adjoining the river Ouse and close to Riccall Landing he
had cut into a number of human skeletons at a depth of about
12 ins. below the modern surface. He was of the opinion that
about 8 had been found. A visit to the site soon afterwards con-
firmed this and revealed other skeletons — apparently undisturbed —
in the side of the trench dug. Mr. Outhwaite readily granted
permission for an excavation to take place and, despite atrocious
weather conditions, six students from St. John’s College, York,
thirty Vth and Vlth Form boys from Nunthorpe Grammar
School, York, and others carried out a week’s digging under the
writer’s supervision.
The area excavated (approximately 470 sq. ft.) is repre-
sented by trenches 1 and 2 on fig. 4. In the summer of 1957 a
further area (approximately 150 sq. ft.) — trench 3, fig. 4, was
excavated with the assistance of Mr. J. Bailey, Headmaster of
Riccall County School and some of his senior pupils.1
The findspots enumerated above are in, or adjoining, River-
side Field, one of the 19th century enclosures of the great West
Field of the manor of Riccall. They are f mile west of Riccall
village near the junction of Ings Lane with Landing Lane, some
150 yds. away from the east bank of the river Ouse and about
20 ft. above O.D. (NGR 60863736). Close to but on the other —
the south — side of Landing Lane to this discovery is the River
Ouse Catchment Board Depot which is not marked on the pub-
lished O.S. maps. Written over the site on the 25 ins. O.S. map2
are the words “Countinghouse Hill”, the meaning of which is
obscure. Half a mile downstream of the site and on the same
side of the river at Long Rudding (one of the reaches of the river)
the O.S. maps have the note “Danes Landed A.D. 1066”. The
soil in the area excavated was light sandy loam, locally known
as “warp”; this made digging easy.
1 In 1958 Mr. Bailey and his pupils dug further trenches in the grass
verge on the north side of Landing Lane (No. 4 on fig. 4) and found the
parts of further skeletons. They found nothing, however, to alter or amend
any of the conclusions reached as a result of the excavations conducted in
trenches 1, 2 and 3.
Earlier skeletal remains, apparently in this same locality, are referred
to in the following paragraph in History, topography and directory of East
Yorkshire, ed. T. Bulmer 1892, p. 699: —
“Skeletons and human bones have been frequently dug up in the
neighbourhood of the river. In a field near Riccall Landing, some
60 years ago, a quantity of ‘bones and old iron’ were turned up;
and about 10 years ago, at the Old Landing in the West Fields, 10
human skulls were disinterred, but there was nothing to show
[who they were]’’.
2 Yorkshire East/West Riding Sheet CCVI SW, 1909 edition.
SEVEN ARCH. DISCOVERIES IN YORKSHIRE
303
The 1956 and 1957 excavations are considered together.
The following are the discoveries and conclusions resulting from
the work done.
1. The skeletons — complete or incomplete— of at least 391
individuals were found still in situ (fig. 5). While some were
represented by no more than a broken skull (e.g. nos. 15 and 27),
others consisted of a complete or nearly complete skeleton (e.g.
nos. 11, 12, 17, 25 and 34). Professor R. Warwick has examined
the skeletal remains and this is a summary of his findings: —
Adults.
Male . . 28
Female . . . . 2
Sex doubtful . . . . 4
Children.
Between 4 and 12 . . 5
2. All except one of the skeletons were fully extended, lying
on the back with the arms either down the sides or across the
pelvis. The exception (no. 9) lay on its right side with the knees
slightly drawn up.
3. All lay with the feet to the east and the heads to the west.
4. The bodies had never been interred in separate graves;
they had clearly been buried so close together that an individual
grave for each one was, in fact, impossible. All must have been
buried together at one and the same time. It must be stressed
that the burials had not taken place in a communal pit in such a
manner that the bodies had been piled one on top of the other:
only a single ‘layer’ of skeletons was found. After the skeletal
remains had been removed the whole of the area beneath them
was dug over to a further depth of 12-15 ins. and not a single bone
or artefact was encountered.2
5. All the skeletal remains were found near the surface.
The most shallow (no. 7) was only 7 ins. below the surface and
the top of the skull had been cleanly sliced off by ploughing.
No. 2 was 8 ins. deep and no. 1, 10 ins. The deepest were no. 4
(24 ins.), no. 3 (23 ins.), and no. 7 (21J ins.).
6. No artefacts of any sort whatsoever were found on,
alongside or under the skeletons excavated.
7. No skeletal remains of any sort were found in trench 1.
Enquiries among the staff of the nearby Ouse Catchment
Depot have revealed that, over the years, workmen have found
skeletal remains at three different places nearby when digging
holes for gateposts. These spots are marked on fig. 4.
As already pointed out no skeletons were found in trench 1 .
Mr. Outhwaite has also informed me that no skeletal remains
1 This figure does not include the 8 originally found by Mr. Outhwaite.
2 The one exception to this was the intrusive hole found in trench 2,
clearly dug long after the initial interments (possibly in quite recent times)
and dug to re-bury fragmentary human bones, doubtless discovered nearby.
RICCALL LANDING - YORK
EXCAVATED DECEMBER 1956-8
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SEVEN ARCH. DISCOVERIES IN YORKSHIRE
305
were found when he dug the trenches for the nearby “mangel
clamp no. 2 ” of fig. 4.1 It appears, therefore, as if the area com
taining skeletons did not extend as far as these two points. While
further excavation would be needed to confirm it, my impression
is that the burial area is likely to have been roughly circular in
shape with a diameter 70-80 ft. Assuming that the concentration
of skeletons remained the same as it did in the areas excavated,
there would, on this assumption, have been between 500 and 600
bodies buried here.
Who were these people? No artefacts whatsoever were
found with the skeletons in the three excavations undertaken.
This may imply that they were carefully stripped of all their
garments and possessions before being buried. The fact that
such a number were buried at one and the same time (as stated
above 500-600 seems probable) suggests that they were interred
as the result of some sudden calamity. The fact that they are all
orientated the same way, laid out side by side and close together
mostly in an extended position suggests that this was done
systematically and leisurely and not hurriedly as an emergency
measure such as might be associated with a plague or epidemic.
Finally the shallowness of the communal grave in which they
were buried might be taken to infer that they were buried some
distance from any inhabited site. All the points made above would
fit in well with circumstances which must have occurred many
times in British history — a “tidying up” operation after a battle.
The only battle in the vicinity of Riccall which could supply
such a large number of bodies requiring burial is that to be
associated with the events immediately following the battle of
Stamford Bridge fought on 25th September, 1066. Unfortunately
the contemporary or sub-contemporary accounts of the battle are
vague and generally unhelpful as to details.2 It seems clear,
however, that there was some kind of running fight from the
battlefield at Stamford Bridge to the Norse base on the Ouse,
13 miles away, in the vicinity of Riccall. One of the versions of
the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle3 — of all the accounts of the battle the
one written nearest to the actual event — has this to say of the
flight from the battlefield : —
“ There was killed Harold of the Fair Hair and Earl Tosti,
and the Norwegians who survived took to flight, and the English
attacked them fiercely as they pursued them until some got to
the ships. Some were drowned, and some burned, and some
destroyed in various ways so that few survived and the English
remained in command of the field ”
This certainly implies some sort of running fight from the battle
1 Mr. Outhwaite assured me that, while he had never before put down
a clamp at the particular place where this 1956 discovery was made, he had
often placed them nearly parallel with and close to, the hedge alongside
Landing Lane some 25-100 ft. eastwards but had never encountered bones
when digging there.
2 See F. W. Brooks, The Battle of Stamford Bridge (East Yorks. Local
History Series no. 6) 1956 for a useful modern summary of the battle.
3 English Historical Documents, ed. D. C. Douglas, p. 143, ‘D’ text.
RICCALL LANDING - YORK
EXCAVATED DECEMBER 1956.
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THE YORKSHIRE ARCHEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Fig. 5. Findspots of the skeletons.
SEVEN ARCH. DISCOVERIES IN YORKSHIRE
307
field to the base near Riccall and might also be taken to imply
some sort of ‘last stand’ there involving some attack on the fleet
anchored in the river. This would involve the interment of many
casualties after the fighting was finished — probably the res-
ponsibility of the local inhabitants (Harold Godwinson and his
army were very quickly on the move south to London and Senlac
Hill) and they would doubtless take their pickings from among the
possessions of the dead. The presence of a few women and children
need not surprise us — they could represent either Norwegians
who travelled with the invaders or English civilians killed during
the retreat and last stand.
Until further evidence is forthcoming the link between this
archaeological material and the literary evidence must be regarded
as very tenuous. It is merely put forward here as a possible
explanation of this strange archaeological discovery.
4. Stone cist, Nawton, near Helmsley. (figs. 6 and 7 and Plates
IIa and IIb).
On Monday, 15th April 1957, while gardening at the rear of
his house, Mount Pleasant Farm, Highfield Lane, Nawton, near
Helmsley (NGR 649863), Mr. H. Kendall started to turn up, at a
depth of about a foot, a considerable quantity of rubble (of oolitic
limestone). Sounding with his spade gave out a hollow, booming
noise which suggested a cavity of some sort beneath. After
removing more of the rubble Mr. Kendall found a rough slab
which seemed to form part of a lid. He removed this and saw
beneath a cavity in which was a skull, apparently in excellent
condition, together with more bones indicating a skeleton. He
uncovered no more but informed the Helmsley Police who, after
visiting the site, contacted me with a view to having the cist — for
such it proved to be — opened up under archaeological supervision
and the skeleton examined. No praise is too high for Mr. Kendall
and Sgt. F. Tuplin who thus ensured that the maximum archaeo-
logical information was obtained from the find. The writer,
together with Mr. Ian Stead of the University of Cambridge, Mr.
Robin Hill of the Castle Museum, York, and Mr. A. Pacitto of
Helmsley, visited the site on the following Wednesday when the
top of the cist was cleared, measured and photographed and the
slabs comprising the lid removed, thus exposing a skeleton in an
excellent state of preservation. The following day Mr. Pacitto
and Mr. Raymond Hayes of Hutton-le-Hole completed the cleaning
and removed the skeleton and the latter took further photographs
(Plates IIa and IIb).
The orientation of the cist was approximately NNW-SSE
with the head to the north. The skeleton was extended on its
back with the feet close together; the right arm was down the
side while the left was bent at the elbow so that it lay across the
abdomen. No grave furniture of any kind was found with it.
The internal measurements of the cist were 6 ft. 4 ins. long, 14 ins.
A Photo. R. Hayes. B Photo. R. Hayes.
Plate II. Cist found Mount Pleasant Farm, Nawton.
Showing skeleton in situ. b. Showing cist after skeleton removed.
SEVEN ARCH. DISCOVERIES IN YORKSHIRE
309
wide and 12 ins. deep. The bottom was paved with irregularly
shaped slabs of oolitic limestone (Plate IIb): the sides were
formed of similar slabs overlapping and on edge; the covering
slabs were similar, and like those at the sides, overlapped. Four
of the slabs which covered the upper half of the skeleton were
still in situ but the five covering the lower part had collapsed.
This was due to the two stones which formed the side near the
foot on the west side falling inwards. They just missed the legs
but covered the right hand, scattering the bones. The collapse of
these stones at this point let down the covering slabs but at the
same time they were sufficiently thick to hold the covering slabs
clear of the skeleton, preventing further damage to it. The bottom
of the cist was 6 ins. higher at the head than at the foot. While
this may have been deliberate so as to raise the head and upper
part of the body above the lower part when it was interred, it is
more likely to have been merely incidental.
The original grave dug to take the cist — the measurements
of which were not ascertained — had apparently been packed with
rubble outside the side slabs for at least a foot while the lid had
been covered in like manner to about the same depth. The top
of the rubble, as already explained, was only about a foot below
the present ground surface.
On the basis of analogous discoveries in the same area this
burial would seem to be Romano-British, dating to the late 4th
century. During the excavation of the Romano-British pottery
kilns at Crambeck near Castle Howard1 two stone cists very
similar to this Nawton discovery were found. Mr. Philip Corder,
who supervised the excavation, thought that they were late 4th
century or early 5th century. In one of these cists was found what
Corder described as "a small grey spherical vessel” and in the
other “the lower part of a ‘vesicular’ or black pitted cooking pot.”
The former has since been paralleled by a similar pot found in
1947 by Mr. J. Cundill in a field just west of Church View, Sher-
burn, East Yorks., during deep ploughing which revealed the floors
of several Romano-British circular huts. This find has not been
reported. Mr. T. C. M. Brewster who examined the pottery has
written this note: —
One of these huts yielded late 4th century pottery, both
hard grey and Signal Station gritted ware. Amongst the series
was part of a small black burnished gritted ware jar in form and
fabric very close to the Crambeck vessel mentioned above dis-
covered by Corder. The Sherburn pot had been hand-modelled
from local clay, tempered with grit and burnished while in the green
state, prior to firing at a temperature not exceeding circa 700°C. 2
This method of potting is in the Iron Age tradition which began
about, or just before, 500 B.C. and continued, in East Yorkshire,
throughout the Iron Age and in the case of storage jars and cooking
1 P. Corder, The Roman Pottery at Crambeck, Castle Howard (Roman
Malton and District Report, No. 1), pp. 18-20.
2 Staxton Ware, Y.A.J., xxxix (1958), pp. 445-6.
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THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
pots during the Romano-British period until the beginning of the
5th century A.D. Both the Crambeck and the Sherburn vessels
bear some resemblance to Anglian burnished ware, but this is
doubtless accidental. The Sherburn pot came from a late 4th
century deposit.
Fig. 7.
4th cent. Romano-British jar found
near Spaunton (JJ.
Another cist burial was found 5 miles east of Nawton in a
field between Appleton-le-Moor and Spaunton.1 It contained a
skeleton, what Home described as an “Early Bronze Age food
vessel", and other finds. This cist formed part of the Kendall-
Mitchelson collection and until 1919 was exhibited in Pickering
Town Hall. It is now in the Yorkshire Museum, York (in the
Hospitium) together with the ‘food vessel' which is illustrated on
fig. 7. It is in dark grey gritted fabric, Vesicular' or ‘pitted’,
is burnished and has similarities with the Crambeck and Sherburn
vessels discussed and described above.2
5. Iron Age ‘A’ pottery at Kilnsea, near Hornsea.
On 9th October 1957 Mr. R. J. W. Batchelor of the Royal
Engineers Department, Victoria Barracks, Beverley, found on the
beach at Kilnsea near Hornsea, while engaged on coastal reclama-
tion work, a complete Iron Age ‘A' cinerary urn together with the
fragments of two others. The findspots are shown on fig. 8 which
is a portion of O.S. sheet CCLXIX 8 Yorkshire (East Riding)
1928 edition, NGR TA (54) 42241473. Mr. Batchelor reports that
near the complete urn were a number of cobbles which appeared
to show signs of burning. The urn contained a handful of calcined
bones in it when found: these are still in it.
During recent years the boulder clay cliff or the sand bank,
as the case may be, in the vicinity of the finds has receded con-
siderably owing to sea erosion. On fig. 8 Mr. Batchelor has marked
the line of the sea bank as it was late in 1957 in relation to the
finds.
1 Gordon Home, Evolution of an English Town, 1905, pp. 46-7 and plate.
2 Although she did not give her reasons Mary Kitson Clark identified
this Appleton cist as Romano-British and included it in her Gazetteer [A
Gazetteer of Roman Remains in East Yorkshire (Roman Malton and District
Report, no. 5), p. 62].
SEVEN ARCH. DISCOVERIES IN YORKSHIRE
311
312
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
B
Fig. 9. Iron Age Urns from Kilnsea, near Hornsea (£).
Photos. R. A. Hill
Plate III.
Sides 1 and 2 of ? Holy Water Stoup.
SEVEN ARCH. DISCOVERIES IN YORKSHIRE
313
Mr. Batchelor has presented the finds to the Hull Museum.
Mr. John Bartlett, Director of the Hull Museums, has drawn the
vessels (fig. 9) and has written this note on them: —
1. (Fig. 9b). Urn of coarse, buff, hand-made pottery, flat rimmed,
shallow finger grooves on upper part: about 11 ins. in height.
No decoration.
Late Bronze Age or early Iron Age A.
2. (Fig. 9a). Large urn about 13 ins. in height, well baked, buff,
coarsely gritted pottery; round rim, carinated shoulder;
blackened on outside towards rim.
Early Iron Age A.
3. (Not illustrated). Sherd of early Iron Age pot with large
grits; everted rim.
4. (Not illustrated). Sherds, coarse, thick, fired buff and grey.
Most of these may be part of the base of number 2 but one
piece which is l\" thick is perhaps rather a fragment of an
oven or burnt daub.
6. ? Holy Water Stoup. (Plates III and IV.)
The object which is the subject of this account was noticed
by Mr. F. R. Charmer, a student of St. John's Training College,
York, in the lounge of the Shoulder of Mutton Inn, Heworth
Green, York, where it was in use in the hearth as an ashtray and
container for the fire appliances. It was brought to the writer's
notice in the last week of October 1958. Enquiries from Mr.
Eric Laycock, proprietor of the Shoulder of Mutton, revealed that
it was found in the back garden near to the surface in 1956 amongst
stones that had once possibly formed part of a rockery.
It measures roughly 8 x 4| x 4 ins. and is of magnesian
limestone. In the top is a Tocus' or hollowed out portion roughly
oval in shape measuring about 3| x 3 ins. The hollow is 3 ins.
deep; while the inch nearest the top is smooth, the lowest 2 ins.
are rough with the chisel marks of the mason clearly showing,
implying, perhaps, that the hollow has been deepened at some
time.
The base is irregular and shows signs of chisel marks sug-
gesting that it might have been cut from a larger stone of some
sort. Some of the surface irregularities on the base have been
smoothed away by rubbing it on another hard surface. Some of
these abrasions are clearly very recent.
All four vertical sides are sculptured: Plates III and IV
show these.
Plate Ilia. The Crucifixion .
The figure of the crucified Christ is in high relief, the arms
are stretched out on the cross at right angles to the body, the
legs being crossed at the ankles. The head is erect, not sagging,
and the face, though damaged so that the details are practically
indecipherable, looks as if it had been bearded. To the left of
the crucifix are two upright figures, one clearly carrying a spear.
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THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
They presumably represent the Roman soldiers, Longinus and
Stephaton, traditionally linked with the crucifixion. To the
right of the cross is a cloaked figure, apparently of a kneeling
woman.
Plate Illb. Samson pulling down the pillars of the house of the
Philistines at Gaza.
A somewhat grotesque, mal-proportioned male figure
stands between an archway consisting of two rounded columns.
Carving to indicate stone/brick- work on both sides of these
columns and also above them seems intended to convey the im-
pression that the building delineated is one of some pretensions.
Above, and slightly to the right of the central figure, is further
carving (very worn) which may be another figure or figures.
Each arm of the central standing figure encircles a column.
While the effect may be due to the comparative crudity of the
carving rather than to any deliberate intention on the part of
the sculptor, this figure does convey the impression of a heavily
built, robust and powerful man. The eyes give the impression of
blindness though this may be due to nothing more than the
limitations of the sculptor; the chin is bearded while the hair is
long — on the figure’s right it hangs down as far as the shoulder
and on the left to the waist.
Plate IVa. The iconography of this is puzzling. Neither the Entry
into Jerusalem, nor Balaam’s ass — the immediate biblical refer-
ences which spring to mind — seems appropriate and a closer
parallel seems to be the curious story of the old and new prophets
and the slaying of the latter by a lion which is recounted in
First Book of Kings chap, xiii, vv. 11-32.
Above the rest of the carving in high relief is what is almost
certainly intended to be the head of a lion. The snout and the
stylised representation of a mane encircling the lower portion of
it seem to rule out any possibility of its being human.
Below this is the very well carved figure of a horse or ass,
clearly male. It is either being fed, or watered by an upright
figure actually carved on the same side of the stone as the Samson
described above. While the detail of the animal’s head and of
the human figure are badly worn and the identification of details
is not easy, the human figure looks male rather than female.
Below the animal’s feet a portion of the stone has broken off.
This would appear to have happened after the carving was com-
pleted.
Plate IVb.
The appearance and character of the carving on this side
of the stone is quite different from that on the other three sides
and is clearly by a different hand and in another (perhaps non-
Christian) tradition. The relief is much lower than on the other
three sides, the design is encased in a framework of double incised
Photos. R. A. Hill.
Plate IV.
Sides 3 and 4 of ? Holy Water Stoup.
SEVEN ARCH. DISCOVERIES IN YORKSHIRE
315
lines and the human and animal figures which, on the evidence
of the other sides, seem to have held a particular fascination to
the sculptor, are conspicuous by their complete absence. The
whole treatment seems to fall more naturally into a classical or
even an 18th century context.
The surrounding framework measures roughly 5J x 3J ins.
The representation appears to be that of a vase, draped, standing
on a plinth.
The carving of the crucifixion on Plate Ilia is clearly later
than that of this vase. This is proved by the fact that where the
incised ‘ 'framework” around the latter is missing (extreme right,
facing), one of the arms of the cross (left, facing) impinges on it.
As already mentioned the ‘Vase” side looks “classical” in concept
and either an 18th century or a Roman date would seem appro-
priate. If the former be accepted the three “Christian” carvings
are all very recent being 19th or 20th century. But the fourth
side may, in fact, be Roman, perhaps being the top of a re-used
altar. A number of facts would lend support to this view — it is
of magnesian limestone so much used in Roman York; it has a
classical motif, the draped urn; the upper smooth part of the
hollow in the top may represent the original focus; the “chopped-
off” appearance at the base may indicate that is it merely part
of a larger stone. If this possibility be accepted the stone itself
may represent a holy water stoup which when in use had its
“classical”, pagan side hidden from view by being placed against,
or built into, a wall.
The date of the “Christian” carvings cannot be fixed with
any certainty. The stone itself, or photographs of it, have been
submitted to various experts and the dates suggested range
from the mid- 12th to the 19th century! This account is pub-
lished in the hope that objects and carvings of a comparable
nature may occur to readers of these pages which may enable a
more authoritative account of it to be written and a more definite
date ascribed to it.
7. Discovery of Roman Remains , Railway Offices, Holgate Road,
York, 1959. (figs. 10-16 and Plates V and VI, A and b).
In 1958-60 new offices were erected for British Railways in
Holgate Road, York, which entailed the pulling down of Holgate
Villa. During the digging of the new foundation trenches the
workmen found broken human bones in many of them, including
two nearly complete skeletons a yard or two away from the
northern side of the old house (fig. 10, no. 3). According to the
workmen one of these had a pot with it but this was rotten and
broke into pieces when lifted from the ground. None of these
finds were preserved.
At findspot 4 on fig. 10 in another of the workmen’s trenches
portions of a badly shattered skull (not preserved) were found at
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THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
a depth of 6 ft. 6 ins. below the modern surface; lying alongside
it was a pair of gold ear-rings (fig. 15, nos. 5a and 5b).
Crown copyright reserved.
Fig. 10* Nos. 1-6 — Findspots of Roman remains found Holgate
Road, York, 1959. (The heavy and dotted lines denote
Roman roads — certain and conjectural).
A
B Photos. British Railways.
Plate V,
Roman sarcophagus, Holgate Road, York.
Hill
SEVEN ARCH. DISCOVERIES IN YORKSHIRE
317
On 31st October, 1959 a stone sarcophagus was discovered
(fig. 10, no. 5). By permission of British Railways this was ex-
cavated by students of St. John's College and of The Settlement,
York (Plates Va and Vb and fig. 11). It was orientated roughly
NW-SE; the northern end being 56 ins. below the modern surface
(29 ins. below the Roman) and the southern end 53 ins. (29 below
the Roman). Its measurements were as follows: —
Lid Length 78 ins.
Breadth 24-25 ins.
Thickness 5-6 ins. It had a very slight central
external ridge running down the entire length.
Coffin Length 78 ins.
Breadth NW end 26 ins., SE end 24 ins.
Height NW end 18 ins., SE end 16 ins.
Thickness of the walls 5-6 ins.
Depth inside 13-14 ins.
Lid and coffin displayed the usual ripple chiselling on both
outside and inside. The NW end of the coffin was undercut at an
angle of about 45° (see fig. 11). Professor H. C. Versey, Department
of Geology, University of Leeds has supplied this note on the
geology of the stone.
‘The sarophagus was made of a coarse gritstone which must have
come from the Millstone Grit of West Yorkshire. This is, of course,
very widely distributed and it is not possible, except in very special
circumstances, to discriminate between one bed and another.
It may not be a very scientific way of locating their source, but
I should think it likely that the Romans would notice suitable
material near their roads. The road from York to Tadcaster, Adel
and Ilkley would be crossing a grit terrain from the vicinity of
Scarcroft across to Ilkley, and the specimens could have come
from many places along this route. Similarly, the road from
Ilkley to Boroughbridge crosses a grit terrain for many miles. I
do not know how the Romans would be aware of the existence of
Gritstone below the surface except from the result of excavations
at their camps and where the rock is exposed in crags. Near Adel,
for example, the rock would need quarrying, but near Ilkley they
could get plenty from exposed blocks or from crags.'
Both lid and coffin had been cracked in antiquity near the
middle. This had allowed soil to get into the interior and the
skeletal remains as found (Plate Vb) were covered in a thin
layer of dark soil which thickened near the centre beneath the
crack in the lid to a depth of 2 ins. Very little of the skeleton had
survived and it had clearly been disturbed (in antiquity rather
than in recent times) — for instance a femur was found only a few
inches from what little remained of the skull, while 29 small iron
studs from a sandal or boot were found near the middle of the
coffin, i.e. some distance from where the feet would normally have
been in the case of an extended skeleton. It seems clear, however,
that the body had been buried with its head towards the north
and the feet to the south.
318
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Professor R. Warwick of Guy’s Hospital Medical School,
London has reported thus on the skeletal remains in the coffin: —
‘They are those of one adult human. It is almost impossible to
add anything to this, for the bones available are few and much
broken. In particular there is not enough of the skull to make
any useful pronouncement of sex, nor is much of the pelvis pre-
served. Parts of right and left femora and tibiae have been pre-
served, but none of these four bones is complete enough for
measurement and hence estimation of stature. It is likely, judging
the remains as a whole, that they came from a male adult. It is
impossible to assess the age more accurately. The incisors, canines,
and one molar from the mandible are present and all show signs
of marked wear. If this had proceeded at the same rate as amongst
the Trentholme people, 1 the age might have been about 30 years.’
SECTION OF STONE SARCOPHAGUS
RAILWAY OFFICES, HOLGATE ROAD, YORK, 1959
O I 2 3 4 S
FEET hn i . I miwd I ii i ,mi
The only finds in the coffin other than the human bones and
the studs already mentioned, were two animal bones which Dr.
Michael Ryder of the Wool Industries Research Association,
Leeds, reports on as follows: —
T. A newly erupted 6th sheep molar, from an animal just 2 years
of age.
2. Scapula (shoulder blade) of a mole of average adult size.’
The presence of the scapula is explained by assuming that
a mole found its way into the coffin through the crack in the lid
and failed to get out again. The sheep’s tooth may represent a
food offering deliberately buried with the body, but could equally
well have got into the interior quite fortuitously either when the
sarcophagus was first opened and disturbed or later through the
crack in the lid.
1 The reference is to the 300+ Romano-British skeletons examined by
Professor Warwick from the cemetery in Trentholme Drive in York and
excavated by the writer 1951-8: report impending.
A
Plate VI.
Roman Well, Holgate Road, York,
SEVEN ARCH. DISCOVERIES IN YORKSHIRE 319
Although only a small area around the sarcophagus was
available for excavation it produced certain significant archaeo-
logical features. The original grave dug to take the sarcophagus
was clearly visible on the two long sides and gave a 2-3 ins.
clearance. On one of these sides — the north — it had cut through
the skeleton of an earlier inhumation. At the south-east end
there was a large hole (no. 2 of fig. 12) consisting of dark made-up
soil (as contrasted with the yellow clay of the undisturbed subsoil)
which linked up with the grave dug to take the sarcophagus (see
Plate Va). This had been dug either when the sarcophagus was
interred or it might represent the later robber trench which had
resulted in the disturbance already mentioned. In this hole only
Roman pottery was found — 72 sherds in all — which dated from
the late 1st /early 2nd century (rusticated ware) to the 4th (Cram-
beck and calcite gitted ware).1
PLAN- EXCAVATION OF ROMAN SARCOPHAGUS
RAILWAY OFFICES/ HOLGATE ROAD/ YORK/ 1959
At the other — north-west — end of the area excavated part of
another large Roman hole (no. 1 of fig. 12) was encountered which
was clearly older than the grave dug to take the sarcophagus
(cf. plate Va). One half of the latter rested on the bottom 18 ins.
of the soil constituting the black filling of this hole. This, being
much softer than the undisturbed clayey subsoil on which the
1 For an analysis of the pottery found, see Appendix I.
SECTION OF ROMAN WELL
FEET
Fig. 13
SEVEN ARCH. DISCOVERIES IN YORKSHIRE
321
other half rested, had, with the passage of time, sunk and the
tensions thus set up had eventually led to both coffin and lid
splitting. In this second hole only Roman pottery was found, 45
sherds in all, mostly 3rd/4th century in date.1 Sherds of colour-
coated ware were actually found under the overhanging upper end
of the coffin, which must, therefore, be of 3rd/4th century date.
Coffin and lid were broken up after the excavation was
completed and incorporated in the concrete foundations of the
new (1960) railway building.
Another discovery was that of an oak-lined well2 at findspot
6, fig. 10 (Plates VI A and b). At a depth of 9 ft. below the modern
surface the workmen found what they described as “fragments of
a wooden box” containing an early complete jar (fig. 16, no. 10).
I saw some of the planks from this “box” which were about 30
ins. in length, 6-10 ins. wide and f in. thick. In view of what
TWO PLANKS OF THE LINING
FROM THE ROMAN WELL
(Each plank is about 32 ins. long.)
Fig. 14.
follows there can be little doubt that these, in fact, represented
the highest surviving portion of the well encountered. In the 3 ft.
immediately below this the workmen reported no further finds
1 For an analysis~of the pottery found, see Appendix I.
2 The wood was examined at the Forest Products Research Laboratory,
Princes Risborough, Aylesbury, Bucks., and was identified as oak ( Quercus
sp.). It was described as "typical of many such that we have seen: the
overall dark coloration is probably due to the presence of reaction products
of tannin which is a constituent of oak. The gross appearance of the surface
degradation, pronounced in this well sample, is similar to that produced by
the cellulose-attacking microfungi that cause soft rot, or by bacteria. No
trace of fungal remains could be found so this hypothesis cannot be confirmed."
322
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
though the soil which they dug out was black — in marked contrast
to the undisturbed brown clay which they encountered alongside
(see fig. 13). At a depth of 12 ft. the wood reappeared and con-
Fig. 15.
Holgate Road, York. Finds.
(Scale : pottery ear-rings j).
SEVEN ARCH. DISCOVERIES IN YORKSHIRE
323
tinued for another 5 ft. down to what was clearly the bottom,
18 ft. below the modern surface (about 14 ft. below the Roman).
Only three sides of the wood lining were seen, the fourth being
under the unexcavated trench side. The internal measurements
were 31 x 31 ins. The planks examined varied in width from
6-12 ins. and in thickness from J to 1J ins. No nails were seen
in the woodwork and none appear to have been used in its con-
struction. The planks had been carefully tenoned together: two
excellent examples of tusk tenons were retrieved and are illustrated
Finds from the Roman Well, Holgate Road, York.
(Scale : |).
324
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
(fig. 14). In the bottom 30 ins. of the well these finds were
retrieved: — 1
64 Sherds of pottery (analysed in Appendix I).
12 oyster shells.
12 animal bones (reported on in Appendix II).
2 iron nails (fig. 16, nos. 7a and b).
2 iron objects, possibly bucket handles (fig. 16, nos. 8a and b).
2 unidentified iron objects (fig. 16, nos. 9a and b).
1 coin (p. 326, no. 18).
Portion of bone pin.
Portion of a (?)bowl (fig. 15, no. 6).
The latest dateable pottery consisted of six sherds of Castor
ware, 3rd/4th century. The pot (fig. 16, no. 10) apparently found
in the well but at a considerably higher level is of 4th century
date. It seems likely therefore on this evidence that the well was
filled-in in Roman times, probably in the first half of the 4th
century. The existence of a well at this point implies the presence
nearby of a building of some sort. This was not within a radius
of 15-20 ft. of the well for trenches dug by the workmen, right down
to the subsoil, produced no Roman structural remains of any sort.
APPENDIX I.
The Finds.2
The following is an analysis of the pottery found in the two Roman
holes under and alongside the stone sarcophagus and in the bottom 30 ins.
of the well.
No. of Sherds
Hole No. 1 Hole No * 2 Well
Samian Ware —
Figured Dr. 37*
2
—
—
Stamped base Dr. 18/31*
1
—
—
Various plain forms
20
—
1 +2* 3
Rusticated ware
1
—
—
Buff/cream/orange ware
7
1
1+ 64 5
Buff ware, colour coated, flagons
9
—
—
Crambeck ware, mortar types
3
—
—
Colour-coated, Castor ware
8
15
3* _l_3* 5
Calcite gritted ware
1
—
—
Miscellaneous coarse grey ware
20
28
47
Large mortar: coarse reddish-buff ware
—
1
1
Totals
72
45
64
1 The coin, the nails, the bucket handles and three of the oyster shells
were found lying at the very bottom of the well on the natural soil (sandy
gravel) and were retrieved by the writer personally. The other objects
were found by the workmen in the course of their digging, the last find
listed above being one of these. This point is made because the find has
no recognisable Roman parallel; it might have dropped into the lower part
of the well as a result of the modern digging from a much higher and,
therefore, chronologically much later — even post-Roman — level.
2 In the descriptions of the various finds I have been greatly assisted
by Professor Eric Birley. All the drawings on figs. 15 and 16 are by Mr. Wilfred
Dodds of the University of Durham.
3 Two sherds made a complete Dr. 33.
4 Six sherds belong to the same pot.
5 Three sherds belong to the same pot.
SEVEN ARCH. DISCOVERIES IN YORKSHIRE
325
Only those indicated above with an asterisk have been drawn (fig, 15)
and/or described in this appendix. In nearby trenches workmen found
other unstratified sherds, two of which have been illustrated (fig. 15, nos.
3 and 4) and described.
Found in hole no. 1.
No. 1 (fig. 15, no. 1). Small piece from a Dr. 37 with winding-scroll
decoration; the large leaf in the upper concavity, the ovolo (what is left of
it) and accompanying coarse bead-row, and what can be seen of the scroll
itself, all point to the work of the potter Doeccus (DOIICCI): cf. CGP 1
plate 147, 7. The rubbing of the CGP piece has been checked against the
York piece, and both are clearly the work of the same potter.
No. 2 (fig. 15, no. 2). Small pieces from a Dr. 37 with winding-scroll
decoration, in which the lower concavities have contained, inter alia, caryatids
separated by a lion to l. below a panther to r. ; no doubt an arcade connected
the heads of the caryatids. Below the decoration, one letter remains of the
potter's signature. Originally written in the mould, it appears reversed, in
slight relief, on the bowl; it is either the initial letter, V, or the last letter,
A, of the potter’s name. Professor Birley says that his personal inclination
is to take it as V, but can produce no firm suggestion as to who the potter
was.
No. 3 (Not illustrated). Base of Dr. 18/31. Stamped MAINACNI (the
NA ligatured). Oswald, Index, pp. 179, 400: Mainacnus of Lubie, Antonine.
Note that his stamp has been found at Pudding Pan Rock, clear indication
of Antonine II (i.e. post A.D. 160) dating. 2
Found by workmen in nearby trenches, unstratified.
No. 4. (Not illustrated). Base of Dr. 31 stamped MAXMIIM. Oswald,
Index, pp. 198, 404: Maximus of Lezoux, Antonine. Professor Birley adds
that Oswald’s “Hadrianic-Antonine” is to be ignored as this stamp occurs
at Corstopitum.
No. 5. (Fig. 15, no. 3). Piece of a Dr. 37 in the style of the potter
“X — 6” ( CGP plates 74-76 and pp. 148-152): note in particular, the dis-
tinctive leaf, which recurs e.g. on CGP pi. 76, 30. The hare to l. (0.2136)
and bird to l. (D. 991 =0.2202) are straightforward; at the top right the leg
of a bird seems to call for the restoration (as in the drawing) of the bird to r
looking back (O.2250A); this type and 0.2136, were hitherto only known on
Antonine bowls, whereas this one can be dated with some confidence
c. A.D. 125/140.
No. 6. (Not illustrated). Small fragment of figured Samian, probably
Rheinzabern ware, date second half of 2nd century.
No. 7. (Not illustrated). About half of a flanged bowl, without internal
wavy line, in the fabric characteristic of Crambeck ware (Gillam type 229).
No. 8. (Fig. 15, no. 4). Single sherd comprising part of the side and
base of ? a shallow platter. Red ware. Thick glaze on inside covering a
decoration in yellow slip. ? 16-1 7th century.
In the well at a depth of approximately 7 ft. below the Roman
SURFACE.
No. 9. (Fig. 16, no. 10). Large jar in dark grey, well baked fabric
with a metallic burnish above the belly. The fabric is not unlike that used
for the big Crambeck jars with counter-sunk handles. 4th century.
In the well; in the bottom 30 ins., i.e. 14-15 ft. below the Roman
SURFACE.
No. 10. (Not illustrated). Samian Dr. 33 with stamp MAIORIS.
For MAIOR of Lezoux cf. Oswald’s Index p. 197 f.: the stamp has already
occurred on this form at York. Second half of 2nd century.
1 J. A. Stanfield and G. Simpson, Central Gaulish Potters.
2 Professor Birley points out that closer dating from stratified deposits,
is not yet known for this potter.
326
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
No. 11. (Not illustrated). Two pieces conjoining, and another, giving
the base and part of the body of a Castor ware thumb-pot (cf. Gillam
type 54). Early 4th century.
No. 12. (Not illustrated). Portion, insufficient to provide the basis
for a drawing, from a castor ware vessel; perhaps a lid. Fabric consistent
with a 3rd/4th century date.
No. 13. (Not illustrated). Fragment, just over an inch long, from a
bone pin. Neither end is preserved so that a drawing does not seem worth-
while. It has been burnt, the structure is not bedded and the break is
lighter than the surface.
No. 14. (Fig. 16, nos. 7a and b). Two iron nails.
No. 15. (Fig. 16, nos. 8a and b). Two iron objects looking like the
handles of buckets.
No. 16. (Fig. 19, nos. 9a and b). Two unidentified iron objects.
No. 17. (Fig. 15, no. 6). Portion of ? a bowl with a neat egg and tongue
decoration in high relief almost immediately above the base. Buff fabric,
colour-coated grey /brown. A most unusual piece and no parallel comes
readily to mind. It may not be Roman (see footnote 1 p. 324).
No. 18. Coin. This was badly corroded when found, but has been
cleaned and examined by Mr. John Kent, Department of Coins and Medals,
British Museum, who has identified it as a sestertius of Hadrian dating
c. A.D. 118-19.
No. 19. Animal bones, reported on in Appendix II.
Found near shattered skull at findspot 4, fig. 10.
No. 20. (Fig. 15, nos. 5a and b). Pair of gold ear-rings. Diameter 0.7
ins. (20 mm.). A single one, like these but slightly smaller (diameter 0.50
ins., 14.9 mm.), was found in the Romano-British cemetery in Trentholme
Drive in 1958 — about half a mile from this discovery: hitherto unpublished
(fig. 15, no. 5c). Professor Birley comments on them thus: —
‘A closely dateable parallel is to be found in British Museum
Guide to the Antiquities of Roman Britain (1922), p. 70. Reginald
A. Smith (the writer of that guide) illustrates a gold ear-ring of
the same type from Milton Sittingbourne, near Bexhill, found in
a lead coffin together with a jet pin (both illustrated in his fig.
90, p. 70). His description of the type can be quoted :
‘An ear-ring of gold wire with slip knot for adjustment/ He
adds: ‘Another gold ring of the kind was found in a child’s
burial at Moorfield, London with jet rings and a gold coin of
Salonina, the wife of the Emperor Gallienus who reigned A.D.
235-268.' The type was therefore, clearly in use in the third
quarter of the third century.
APPENDIX II.
Animal Remains.
By Dr. Peter A. Jewell, Royal Veterinary College,
University of London.
Seven large fragments of bone are from the ox and come from rib,
radius, tibia, humerus, femur and vertebra. Other small but thick fragments
are presumably also from the ox. At least two individuals are represented,
but sex cannot be determined. Pig is represented by a portion of the right
mandible in which the third molar is not yet erupted, it is therefore of a
young individual under 18 months old. The proximal end of a very small
pig radius is also present, as the epiphipis here fuses to the shaft at an
early age it could be from the same individual as the mandible. A fragment
of bird bone comes from a small chicken. These are the only domestic
animals represented. The final items of the collection are two valves from
the oyster ( Ostea edulis ).
SEVEN ARCH. DISCOVERIES IN YORKSHIRE
327
It may be commented that the ox bones are from a small animal, about
the size of a Jersey cow. They were hacked into pieces in antiquity and
shows numerous cut marks. All the pieces are well preserved.
APPENDIX III.
Earlier discoveries on the site.
1. In 1955 by permission of British Railways, the writer dug a series
of trenches across the gardens at the back (north) of what was then Holgate
Villa. The only finds were a few sherds of miscellaneous Roman pottery
(including one of rusticated ware) and at the point shown on fig. 10 (no. 2),
the remains of the greater part of a human skeleton, clearly in situ, badly
broken and very rotten. Immediately below it were two sherds of colour-
coated ware. The skeleton, presumably Roman, was 18 ins. below the
modern surface.
2. Near the new railway building is an empty stone sarcophagus
similar to the one described above in the 1959 find. For over half a century
it has been in the garden of what was Holgate Villa.
In the Yorkshire Museum is a box containing human bones, belonging
to one skeleton, and in it is this pencilled note: —
"A series of Human Bones in a large stone coffin by the sheds just
opposite Holgate House (Railway Sheds) [found] by Mr. Allison,
labourer in the Railway Co.’s service, July 29th, 1881."
Added above this in the same hand, is a note — "10/- the lot”.
There can be little doubt that sarcophagus and skeleton are to be
linked together, which means that the findspot must have been near to that
shown on fig. 10 (no. 1).
The staff of the Reference Department, York Public Library, have
kindly searched the files of the local newspapers for June/August 1881 but
have found no reference to this find.
Note: — The course of the two Roman roads as shown on fig. 10 is based on
the following published articles and on other, as yet unpublished, material: —
L. P. Wenham, Course of the Roman Road from Sim Balk Lane to
near Micklegate Bar, York. (Report of the Yorkshire Architectural
and York Archaeological Society 1953-4, pp. 24-31).
C. Dickinson and P. Wenham, Discoveries in the Roman Cemetery
on the Mount, York. (Yorks. Arch. Journal, xxxix (1957), pp. 283-
323 — especially fig. 5 and p. 322 note).
Thanks. I wish to thank the various specialists who have assisted
me in the preparation of this paper and whose names appear in the
text. The photograph on Plate Ib was taken by the Royal Com-
mission on Historical Monuments (England) and is published with
their permission. The plans have been drawn by Mr. H. Richardson
of York.
328
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
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THE
Yorkshire
Hrcbasological Journal.
PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF
THE COUNCIL
OF THE
IPorfcsbtre archaeological Society.
Part 159.
(BEING THE THIRD PART OF VOLUME XL.)
[. ISSUED TO MEMBERS ONLY].
PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY BY
The West Yorkshire Printing Co. Limited, Wakefield.
MCMLXI
CONTENTS OF PART 159.
( being the Third part of Volume XL.)
EXCAVATIONS AND DISCOVERIES ADJOINING THE SOUTH-
WEST WALL OF THE ROMAN LEGIONARY FORTRESS
IN FEASEGATE, YORK, 1955-1957
Peter Wenham
THE HERO AS GENEALOGIST : GENERAL PLANTAGENET-
IIARRISON
A. L. Morton
RICHMONDSHIRE PRESENTMENTS IN THE REIGN OF QUEEN
ANNE
Michael Chadwick
A NOTE ON CLAY PIPES FROM HUNGATE, YORK
The late Bryan H. St. J. O’Neil, F.S.A.
ENCLOSURE BY AGREEMENT AT HEALAUGH (W.R.)
K. J. Allison
CLIFTON GRAMMAR SCHOOL, Near Brighouse, West Riding
E. P. Green, B.A., M.Ed.
WEST RIDING COMMISSIONERS OF ENCLOSURE, 1729-1850
W. S. Rodgers, M.Com. (Leeds)
A STUDY IN THE MANORIAL HISTORY OF HALIFAX PARISH
IN THE SIXTEENTH AND EARLY SEVENTEENTH CEN-
TURIES. PART II
Martha J. Ellis
THE PALMES FAMILY OF NABURN and their contribution to
THE SURVIVAL OF ROMAN CATHOLICISM
Brigadier T. B. Trappes-Lomax
AN INQUIRY INTO THE DATE OF THE STAINED GLASS IN
THE CHAPTER HOUSE AT YORK
John A. Knowles, M.A., F.S.A.
NOTES ON TWO HERALDIC TOMBS
A. S. Harvey
THE MONASTIC SETTLEMENT OF NORTH-EAST YORKSHIRE
Bryan Waites, M.A., F.R.G.S.
THE ADVOWSON OF ST. MARTIN’S CHURCH IN MICKLEGATE,
YORK
T. W. French, M.A., F.S.A.
PAGE
329
351
371
378
382
392
401
420
443
451
462
478
496
Illustrations.
Excavations and Discoveries Adjoining the South-West Wall of the
Roman Legionary Fortress in Feasegate, York, 1955-1957.
Figs.: 1, p. 330; 2, p. 331; 3, p. 332; 4, p. 334; 5, p. 335; 6, p. 336; 7,
p. 340; 8, p. 341; 9, p . 343; 10, p. 348.
Plates: I and II, facing p. 336; III and IV, facing p. 338; V and VI,
facing p. 344; VII, facing p. 346; VIII and IX, facing p. 348; X
and XI, facing p. 350.
A Note on Clay Pipes from Hungate, York.
Fig.: 1, p. 379.
Enclosure by Agreement at Healaugh (W.R.).
Fig.: 1, p. 384.
An Inquiry into the Date of the Stained Glass in the Chapter House
at York.
Figs.: 1, p. 452; 2, p. 454; 3, p. 456; 4, p. 457; 5, p . 459.
Notes on Two Heraldic Tombs.
Plate: I, facing p. 462.
The Monastic Settlement of North-East Yorkshire.
Figs.: 1 and 2, p. 479; 3, p. 484; 4, p. 487; 5, p. 488.
Part CLIX
THE
otkshite JUcIt^oIagiral Journal
EXCAVATIONS AND DISCOVERIES
ADJOINING THE SOUTH-WEST WALL OF
THE ROMAN LEGIONARY FORTRESS IN
FEASEGATE, YORK, 1955-1957.
By Peter Wenham.
Introduction.
In 1955 the site of the Old Black Swan Coaching Inn in
Coney Street, York, and an adjacent site in Feasegate were
cleared and pile driving began in preparation for the new premises
of the British Home Stores (figs. 1 and 2). This report deals with
the excavations and discoveries made in 1955-1957. Part I covers
the excavations conducted there in 1955 by the writer on behalf
of the Inspectorate Branch of the Ministry of Works and Part II
gives an account of the incidental discoveries which were made
there after the formal excavation was completed.
I wish to thank the British Home Stores Ltd. for permission
to conduct this excavation and in particular Mr. G. W. Clarke,
their Chief Architect; the contractors (Messrs. W. Birch and
Sons); Mr. R. A. Hill of the Huntley Museum, Edinburgh, who
took all the photographs (except Plate III, taken by Mr. T, G.
Manby and Plate IX by the Yorkshire Philosophical Society);
Mr. H. Richardson for assistance in drawing plans and sections;
Mr. A. Sanderson and Mr. W. R. Cowl, site supervisor and
trainee surveyor respectively to the contractors, who gave
me information about day-to-day discoveries ; Mr. T. C. M.
Brewster for his report on the mediaeval pottery and to Mr.
H. G. Ramm, of the Royal Commission on Historical Monuments,
who gave me valuable assistance in assessing many incidental
finds; other acknowledgments occur in the text.
PART I— THE EXCAVATION.
The south-west wall of the Roman legionary fortress was
known to run across this site and one of the first tasks under-
taken by the contractors was to establish its precise alignment and
its existing height. Shallow trenches were therefore dug alongside
it in various places. Two of these (trenches 1A and 2 of fig. 3)
330
THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
LEGIONARY FORTRESS, YORK
SITE OF 1955- I960 EXCAVATIONS
ON S.W. FRONT
•CALI OF FCET
500
i
IOOO
sssssi
Fig. 1.
(1) 4th century interval tower (SW 5) excavated 1960.
(2) Site of H. Ramm’s excavation in Coney Street, 1955.
(3) Site of L. P. Wenham’s excavation in Davygate, 1955-58.
(4) Site of G. F. Willmot’s excavation, 1958.
(5) Site of Feasegate excavations described in this report.
EXCAVATIONS AND DISCOVERIES IN FEASEGATE, YORK 331
were dug to a depth of 8 ft. below the 1955 surface.1 Trench 1A
was 5 ft. wide and extended 4 ft. away from the outer face of the
wall; trench 2 was of similar dimensions but was on the inner
side of the wall.
At D on fig. 3 an area 4 ft. deep and 18 ft. long was cleared
which exposed some of the concrete core of the wall. It was of
particular importance as it just included the beginning of the
return which the 4th century wall makes where it joins the south
angle tower. (Further important evidence of the line of the wall
in this vicinity was obtained when piles Nos. F.l and F.22 were
sunk; both of these just grazed the inner side of the wall.)
F E A S E G A T E - C O N E Y STREET AREA, YORK.
Fig. 2.
Feasegate excavation in relation to the buildings &c. in the immediate
vicinity.
Permission was kindly given by the British Home Stores, to
the Ministry of Works to undertake an excavation by deepening
and extending trench 1A. It was extended another 6 ft. (trench
1 The present floor level of the store where it now overlies the fortress
wall is about 5 ft. lower than the 1955 level.
2 Throughout this paper pile Nos. and pile cap Nos. relate to fig. 3.
INTERVAL TOWE
Fig. 3. Plan of the site showing trenches dug, piles sunk and other findspots.
EXCAVATIONS AND DISCOVERIES 1956-7
EXCAVATIONS AND DISCOVERIES IN FEASEGATE, YORK 333
1 B, fig. 3) and, in its deepest part — nearest the fortress wall — dug
another 7 ft. deep; for reasons which will be evident later it was
not dug to this depth throughout. The excavation was super-
vised by the writer. Three men were employed, one of whom was
Mr. T. G. Manby who gave enthusiastic assistance with many of
the technical aspects of the work and with the day-to-day re-
cording of the finds; I wish to pay particular tribute to the help
he gave me. He has drawn the pottery. The excavation lasted
for three weeks — 8th-26th November.
This excavation was intended to complement that under-
taken by Mr. H. Ramm in 1954 on behalf of the Ministry of
Works on a site in Coney Street some 150 yards to the west (fig.
I).1 Mr. Ramm dug a trench adjoining, and at right angles to,
the inner face of the south-west fortress wall and considered that
there the existing stone wall in the lowest courses which he ex-
posed (he did not uncover the whole of the foundation) was 2nd
century (Severan) in date with a 4th century rebuild above.
Besides the Severan and 4th century ramparts he had been able
to identify three pre-Severan clay ramparts. He had, however,
found no trace whatever of the first stone wall — the Trajanic —
and only hints of what might have been the rampart belonging to
it. The possibility that the Trajanic wall had been built on a
line in front of the Severan could not — on the analogy of what
Miller found in his excavation on the south-east wall in the
Bedern — Aldwark sector2 be ruled out.
The main purpose of this 1955 excavation was to investigate
this problem. Although the formal excavation itself did not give
an unequivocal answer, other evidence from the building work on
this site — particularly the pile driving — makes it certain that the
Trajanic wall was on the same line as that of the later Severan
and 4th century walls.3
The unexpected discovery of a flight of steps belonging to
a mediaeval building (discussed below) unfortunately side-tracked
the main issue and, because of the cost and technical difficulties
involved in removing the weighty masonry of which it was com-
posed, the whole trench was not dug to a uniform depth of 15 ft.
down to the Roman wall foundation as it was in the 2 ft. nearest
to the wall itself.
The excavation is best understood by referring to fig. 4,
the sectional drawing of the trench and explaining the structures
and stratification encountered there.
Layer 1 consisted of a concrete floor 2 ins. thick resting on
a rubble foundation 4 ins. thick. According to the contractors it
dated c. 1920.
Layer 2, 4 ft. 6 ins. deep, consisted of dark, loamy soil such
as one would associate with a garden. It contained a few cinders,
1 Reported in JRS xlvi (1956), pp. 75-90.
2 JRS xv (1925), p. 187 and f.
3 An excavation in 1960 conducted by the writer on a site at the
junction of Lendal and Museum Street (see fig. 5) has also confirmed this.
334 THE YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
a little building rubble and a few sherds of 19th-20th century
pottery (none illustrated).
Layers 3 a and 3b. Layer 3b consisted of 2 ins. -3 ins. of black,
burnt material, mostly charcoal, running across the whole length
of the trench. For a distance of 5 ft. next to the wall above this
was a layer (3a) about 1 ft. thick of rubble, mortar and tiles
showing signs of burning and which seemed to be associated
with the layer (3b) below. In layer 3a were found four sherds of
18th century pottery (none illustrated) and a William III penny.
FEASEGATE - YORK
1955 EXCAVATIONS
FEET
BELOW
PRESENT
SURFACE
Oi
1 -
3-
4-
7-
10-
II-
12-
13-
14-
15-
FEET
ABOVE
ORDNANCE
DATUM
-47
H. RICHARDSON. YORK
>46
-45
-44
-43
-42
-41
-40
-39
-38
-37
•36
-35
-34
-33
S CLAV SUBSOIL
l
Fig. 4. Section of the trench excavated.
LEGIONARY FORTRESS - S.W. FRONT
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FEASEGATE- YORK
1957 EXCAVATION
SECTION THROUGH THE FORTRESS WALL
OIJ34S678FIO
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Plate I. The excavation — showing flight of steps. Plate II. Top step and threshold of door.
EXCAVATIONS AND DISCOVERIES IN FEASEGATE, YORK 337
Layer 4, 6 ins.-9 ins. thick consisted of what appeared to be
a floor of sticky brown clay, containing pieces of tile and lime-
stone chippings. Imbedded in the clay were five very small sherds
of pottery possibly of 15th/16th century date (none illustrated).
Layer 5 consisted of clay similar to that of layer 4 but it
included a larger number of stones — rough, limestone blocks, and
cobbles. In depth it varied from 4 ft. nearest the wall to only a
few inches at the other end of the trench. This layer clearly
represented packing which had been placed over the flight of
steps below (layers 6 A-F) in order to prepare a level surface on
which the floor above it (layer 4) rested.
Twenty sherds of pottery were found in this packing, nine
of which are illustrated and described (Appendix, pp. 339-342
and fig. 7, Nos. 1-9); they are all of 13th-14th century date.
Layers 6 A-F. This consisted of a flight of six steps, five of
stone (6 B-F and plate I) and one of cobble packing (6 A and
plate II). Between the lowest step and the fortress wall was a
paved area 3 ft. wide (6F). The topmost step was 9 ft. 9 ins.
away from the wall. The steps varied in height 6-8 ins. and in
width from 1-2 ft. The four lower stone steps consisted of either
a single limestone block or of two such blocks; in the latter in-
stances they were carefully mortared together.
The topmost step consisted of clay, cobble and tile packing
behind a 1 in. wide board set on edge; its surface was of cobbles
laid in the clay. Beneath the cobbles, lying across the length of
this step were two large planks or beams. Their purpose was not
absolutely clear though they may 
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